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This is Lawrence Solum's legal theory weblog. Legal Theory Blog comments and reports on recent scholarship in jurisprudence, law and philosophy, law and economic theory, and theoretical work in substantive areas, such as constitutional law, cyberlaw, procedure, criminal law, intellectual property, torts, contracts, etc.

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Sunday, November 30, 2003
 
Legal Theory Lexicon: Virtue Ethics
    Introduction The Legal Theory Lexicon already includes posts on Deontology and Utilitarianism--representing two important families of ethical theory. This week, the Lexicon provides an introduction to virtue ethics. As always, the Lexicon provides a quick and dirty summary with an eye to law students (especially first-year law students) with an interest in legal theory. Together, these three posts provide a rough and ready introduction to the three most prominent approaches to normative ethics.
    What is virtue ethics? Obviously, virtue ethics has something to do with virtue, which in this context is closely related in meaning to the English word "excellence," the Latin "virtu," and the Greek, "arete." Sometimes "virtue ethics" is also called "aretaic moral theory," using the adjective form of the Greek word for virtue.
    In moral philosophy, the virtues are the human excellences. Here is the definition offered by the distinguished moral philosopher, Rosalind Hursthouse:
      Virtue ethics is currently one of three major approaches in normative ethics. It may, initially, be identified as the one that emphasizes the virtues, or moral character, in contrast to the approach which emphasizes duties or rules (deontology) or that which emphasizes the consequences of actions (consequentialism). Suppose it is obvious that someone in need should be helped. A utilitarian will point to the fact that the consequences of doing so will maximize well-being, a deontologist to the fact that, in doing so the agent will be acting in accordance with a moral rule such as "Do unto others as you would be done by" and a virtue ethicist to the fact that helping the person would be charitable or benevolent.
    It might be illuminating to compare virtue ethics to deontology and utilitarianism via the following simplified formulas:
    • Utilitarianism: An action is right if and only if the action will produce the best consequences as compared to the alternative actions that could be undertaken by the agent.
    • Deontology: An action is right if and only if the action is either (a) required by a moral duty, or (b) allowed by a moral permission, and not (c) forbidden by a moral prohibition.
    • Virtue Ethics: An action is right if and only if the action is one which a virtuous moral agent would characteristically perform under the circumstances.
    Formulas are tricky, and I haven't tried to get these formulations exactly right. Instead, my aim was to paint broadly to give a sense of the basic structure of these three approaches to moral theory. Whereas, utilitarianism makes consequences (or states of affairs) the central idea of moral theory and deontology focuses on moral rules, virtue ethics focuses on character and human excellence.
    Modern Moral Philosophy Historically, virtue ethics finds its roots in ancient Greek philosophy, particularly in the work of Plato and Aristotle, but the contemporary revival of virtue ethics can, in a sense, be traced to G.E.M. Anscombe's article, Modern Moral Philosophy published in the journal Philosophy in 1958. Anscombe's famous article noted the well-known deficiencies and problems associated with utilitarianism and deontology and suggested that a return to Aristotle's moral philosophy might provide a fruitful alternative. This marks the beginning of what might be called the aretaic turn in moral philosophy--initiating both a return to Aristotle's theory of the virtues and the development new varieties of virtue theory.
    The Virtues What are the virtues? One good way to answer this question is to examine Aristotle's account of human excellence. For Aristotle, the virtues are acquired dispositional qualities; they are potentialities or powers which are states of character or of mind. Aristotle characterizes the virtues as intellectual or moral, and his views can be sketched by examining these two categories.
    The moral virtues are states of character concerned with choice; examples include courage, temperance and justice. Aristotle thought that virtues such as courage related to human emotion in a particular way. In the case of courage, there is a morally neutral human emotion--fear. The disposition to excessive fear (fear that is disproportionate to the situation) is the vice of timidity. The disposition to insufficient fear is the vice of recklessness. Courage is the disposition to feel fear that is proportionate to the actual threat or danger. Hence the virtue of mean is a mean between two opposed vices, timidity and recklessness. Moral virtues, says Aristotle, are acquired as a result of habit; one must act courageously in order to become courageous.
    The intellectual virtues are practical and theoretical wisdom. Practical wisdom or phronesis is excellence in deliberation: the person of practical reason is able to choose good ends and the means to achieve those ends. Practical wisdom operates in realm of praxis: action in particular situations. Theoretical wisdom or sophia, on the other hand, operates in the realm of theoria; abstract thinking, science and theory. The intellectual virtues are initially developed by teaching and mature through experience.
    A fully virtuous agent, then, would be someone who possesses the full complement of the moral and intellectual virtues. This may be rare, as most humans lack some of the virtues and possess others in an imperfect form.
    Virtue Ethics and Human Good What are the implications of virtue ethics for human ends and actions? Here is a very simple (and simplified) answer. Virtue ethics counsels us to cultivate virtue--to acquire the human excellences insofar as that is possible. Virtuous agents will then aim at the right goals in life, because their intellectual and emotional makeup naturally points them towards a just and flourishing life. Thus, a fully virtuous human will characteristically act in the right way for the right reasons. And what about those who lack full virtue? Many humans, however, lack fully virtuous characters. What counsel does virtue ethics offer those who lack the full complement of human excellence? The answer to this question can be developed in at least two ways. First, we might ask ourselves, "How would a virtuous human act in these circumstances?" This is, of course, part of ordinary human deliberation. When faced with a difficult choice situation, sometimes we think of someone whose character we admire, and ask, "How would she (or he) deal with this?" Second, we might ask ourselves, "What do the virtues counsel in this situation?" That is, we can take our understanding of the human excellences, and ask questions like, "What action would be courageous?" or "What action would accord with the virtue of justice?"
    Particularism and Phronesis Contemporary virtue ethics is distinctive in part, because it denies something that both deontology and utilitarianism seem to affirm--that there is a decision procedure for ethics. Utilitarianism claims that there is a very simple rule (which if correctly applied) yields the morally correct action for each situation: act so as to produce the best consequences. Deontology has a similar claim: to do the right thing, simply consult the moral rules, and perform that action which is required or if no action is required, choose from among those that are permissible. Virtue ethics characteristically denies that there is any mechanical rule that generates the morally correct action. Why not? One answer to that question lies in Aristotle's idea of the phronimos, the person who possesses the virtue of practical wisdom. The phronimos has the ability to respond to the complexities of particular situations, to see what is morally salient, and to choose an action that will work given the circumstances.
    Behind the virtue of phronesis or practical wisdom is an assumption about the complexity of life. Virtue ethics characteristically argues that life is more complicated than our theories and rules. It would be impossible, the virtue ethicist might argue, to write a code of rules for moral conduct. No matter how complicated the rules, situations would inevitably arise that were not covered or in which the rules produced a perverse and unintended result. Acting morally requires more than a knowledge of moral principles; it requires a sensitivity to particular situations. One way of putting this is use the metaphor of moral vision, the ability to size up a real-world choice situation, perceiving the morally relevant circumstances.
    Virtue Politics and Virtue Jurisprudence What are the implications of virtue ethics for the questions that legal theorists ask? One starting point for an answer might be the development of "virtue politics," i.e. a political theory that builds on the foundations of virtue ethics. A virtue politics might begin with the idea that the goal of the state should be the establishment of the conditions for the development of human excellence. Thus, the aim of the legislator might be described as the establishment of a political and legal framework within which individual citizens can realize their full potential for human excellence. A virtue politics might also consider the implications of virtue theory for the design of political institutions. For example, institutions might both seek to counteract the fact that both citizens and office holders will frequently be less than fully virtuous and also to establish conditions under which legislators, executives, and judges are selected at least in part for their possession of the virtues.
    What about the implications of virtue ethics for legal theory? We might call an aretaic approach to legal theory "virtue jurisprudence." Among the topics that aretaic legal theory might explore is a virtue-centered theory of judging, which describes the particular excellences required by judges. A virtue-centered theory of judging offers an account of the characteristics or excellences that make for a good judge. These include: (1) judicial temperance, (2) judicial courage, (3) judicial temperament, (4) judicial intelligence, (5) judicial wisdom, and (6) justice. We might say that a virtuous judge is a judge who fully possesses the judicial virtues. Although every theory of judging can incorporate some account of judicial virtue, a virtue-centered theory of judging makes the distinctive claim that the judicial virtues are central, i.e. that they have basic explanatory and normative significance.
    In particular, a virtue-centered theory of judging would contend that a correct legal decision is a decision that would characteristically be made by a virtuous judge in the circumstances relevant to the decision. Thus, the central normative thesis of a virtue-centered theory of judging is that judges ought to be virtuous and to make virtuous decisions. Judges who lack the virtues should aim to make lawful or legally correct decisions, although they may not be able to do this reliably given that they lack the virtues. Judges who lack the judicial virtues ought to develop them. Judges ought to be selected on the basis of their possession of (or potential for the acquisition of) the judicial virtues.
    One of the judicial virtues is "judicial wisdom," the judicial form of the phronesis. If the world is too complex for a complete code of moral rules, then what about the law. Aristotle suggested that justice according to law would inevitably fall short in at least some particular cases, because the legislature must speak in relatively general and abstract language which sometimes will produce unintended consequences that are contrary to the purposes of the law. Here is Aristotle's discussion from Chapter 10 of Book V of the Nicomochean Ethics:
      What causes the difficulty is the fact that equity is just, but not what is legally just: it is a rectification of legal justice. The explanation of this is that all law is universal, and there are some things about which it is not possible to pronounce rightly in general terms; therefore in cases where it is necessary to make a general pronouncement, but impossible to do so rightly, the law takes account of the majority of cases, though not unaware that in this way errors are made. And the law is nonetheless right; because the error lies not in the law nor in the legislator but in the nature of the case; for the raw material of human behavior is essentially of this kind.
    Thus, the particularism that characterizes virtue ethics may translate into a concern with equity in virtue jurisprudence.
    Conclusion While utilitarianism and deontology are well-known to legal theory, virtue ethics is only beginning to have an influence on contemporary jurisprudence. Most contemporary American legal theorists were trained before virtue ethics reached its full flower in the 1980s and 1990s, and many law professors who have broad theoretical interests are only vaguely aware of the substantial impact that virtue ethics has had on contemporary moral philosophy. Nonetheless, a theoretically inclined law student can bring virtue ethics to bear on a variety of legal problems. One good example concerns the use of the "reasonable person" standard in tort law. It is interesting that tort law frames the standard of care in negligence cases with reference to the concept of an agent (the reasonable person)--and does not use the "reasonable action" or "reasonable consequences" as the fundamental idea.
    If thinking about the reasonable person in tort law is a good place to begin, virtue ethics can be applied to a variety of legal problems. Here is one suggestion. Sometimes, you will find that a strict application of the rules leads to a result that is manifestly unfair and unintended. Ask yourself: "Is this a case where a virtuous judge might choose to depart from the rule on equitable grounds?" And here is another suggestion: Whenever you find yourself dissatisfied with consequentialist or deontological approaches to the moral problems that law addresses, ask yourself, "What would virtue ethics say here?" What character traits or virtues are relevant to this problem? When you start to list the relevant virtues, you will be on your way to a virtue-theoretic analysis of the legal problem!
    Bibliography
      Anscombe, G.E.M., 1958, "Modern Moral Philosophy", Philosophy 33:1-19.
      Crisp, Roger (ed.), 1996, How Should One Live? Oxford: Clarendon Press.
      Crisp, Roger and Michael Slote (eds.), 1997, Virtue Ethics, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
      Foot, Philippa, 1978, Virtues and Vices, Oxford: Blackwell.
      Hursthouse, Rosalind, 1999, On Virtue Ethics, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
      Statman, D. (ed.), 1997, Virtue Ethics, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
    Links For a collection of prior Legal Theory Lexicon posts, follow this link.


 
Legal Theory Calendar
    Monday, December 1
      At the University of Chicago's Political Theory Workshop, Jacob Schiff (University of Chicago) presents Different Strokes: Mapping the Terrain of Alterity with discussant: Anne Holthoefer.
      At the University of Chicago's Law and Philosophy Workshop, Professor Ulrich Preuss, Freie Universität, Berlin and Visiting Professor, University of Chicago Law School, will present work on comparative constitutionalism.
      At George Mason's Philosophy, Politics and Economics series, Peter Grajzl & Peter Murrell (Economics/IRIS, University of Maryland Professions) present Politicans and Institutional Reforms.
      At Northwestern's Colloquium on the Legal and Constitutional History of the United States, Tomiko Nagin-Brown (Washington University, St. Louis, School of Law/History) presents Middle class African-Americans' views of desegregation in the era of Brown v. Board of Education.
    Tuesday, December 2
      At Northwestern's Empirical Legal Studies Colloquium, Lisa Bernstein (University of Chicago Law School) presents Custom in the Courts: The Flawed Evidentiary Basis of Article 2's Incorporation Strategy.
      At the University Chicago's Law and Economics Series, Alan Schwartz (Yale Law School) is presenting.
      At the University of Texas Hans Baade presents The Post-Civil War Texas Supreme Court.
      At Oxford's IP Seminar, Tina Piper presents The Unpatentability of Medical Diagnostic Methods: A Promise and its Perils.
      At Oxford's Private and Commercial Law Discussion Group, Donal Nolan presents The Distinctiveness of Rylands v Fletcher.
      At Oxford's Ockham Society, Vladislav Vexler (Oxford) presents Why Isiah Berlin Failed to Ground Liberalism.
    Wednesday, December 3
      At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Dennis Patterson (Rutgers, Camden-Law & New Brunswick-Philosophy) presents Interpretation in Law.
      At Notre Dame Law School, today through December 5, 2003, a symposium entitled The Changing Laws of War: Do We Need a New Legal Regime After 9/11?
      At Northwestern's Law and Economics series, Paul Mahoney (University of Virginia School of Law) presents The Value of Judicial Independence: Evidence from 18th Century England.
      At Oxford's CENTRE FOR CRIMINOLOGICAL RESEARCH Seminar Series, Betsy Stanko presents Between the Home Office, PSAs and a real place: a critical reflection on government targets and doing criminal justice.
      At Tulane's Center for Ethics and Public Affairs, Thomas Pogge will be speaking.
    Thursday, December 4
      At the University of San Diego's Law, Economics, and Politics Workshop, Adrian Vermeule (University of Chicago) is presenting.
      At NYU's Colloquium in Legal, Political and Social Philosophy, J.H.H. Weiler (NYU School of Law) presents A Constitution for Europe? Some Hard Choices.
      At Yale's Legal Theory Workshop, Christine Jolls (Harvard Law) presents Debiasing Through Law.
      At the Princeton Political Philosophy Colloquium, Iris Marion Young will present Responsibility and Structural Injustice.
      At Florida State University, Adrienne Davis (University of North Carolina) presents Re-thinking Slavery.
      At the University of Michigan's Law and Economics series, Richard McAdams is presenting.
      At Boston University, Tamar Frankel is presenting today.
      At the University of Hertfordshire Centre for Normativity and Narrative, Richard Norman (Kent) presents two lectures, Aesthetic Form and the Meaning of Life & The Ethics of War: War and Human Rights.
      At MIT's philosophy series, Jason Stanley (University of Michigan) presents Context, Interest-Relativity, and Knowledge.
    Friday, December 5
      At UC Berkeley's Kadish Center, the General Aspects of Law series, Barbara Fried (Professor of Law and Deane F. Johnson Faculty Scholar, Stanford Law School) presents Begging the Question with Style: Anarchy, State and Utopia at Thirty Years.
      At Oxford's Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, a conference on Islamic Law and Human Rights: An Ethnographic Approach with Fariba Adelkhah, John Bowen, Fikret Karcic, John Kelsay, Werner Menski, Ziba Mir Husseini, Christian Moe, Martha Mundy, Lawrence Rosen, and Mohammad Talib.
      At the University of Buffalo, Ernesto Laclau presents Empty Signifiers and the Logic of Representation with comments by Guyora Binder & Betty Mensch.
      At the University of Texas, Mark Weiner (Rutgers-Newark) presents The Multiple Integrations of the Civil Rights Movement.
      At the Society for Applied Philosophy in London, R. A. Duff (Stirling) & Penny Darbyshire (Kingston University) discuss The Future of the Right to Trial by Jury, with Thom Brooks (Sheffield) as Chair.
      At the University of North Carolina's philosophy series, Samuel Scheffler (Winston Distinguished Visitor) presents Doing and Allowing.
      At the University of Bristol's philophy series, Jo Wolff (UCL) presents What is Disadvantage and What Should be Done About it?
      At the University of London's Philosophy Programme, there is a one-day conference, Aristotle on Potentiality and Actuality.


Saturday, November 29, 2003
 
Michael Smith on Consequentialism Michael Rappaport and I had a recent exchange on the demandingness objection to utilitarianism (Solum-Rappaport-Solum). So I was in the mood for Consequentialism and the Nearest and Dearest Objection--a paper recently uploaded by Michael Smith of the Australian National University's prestigious Research School of Social Sciences. Here is the hypo that starts the paper:
    Imagine that Bloggs is faced with a choice between giving a benefit to his child, or a slightly greater benefit to a complete stranger. The benefit is whatever the child or the stranger can buy for $100 — Bloggs has $100 to give away — and it just so happens that the stranger would buy something from which he would gain a slightly greater benefit than would Bloggs's child. Let's stipulate that Bloggs believes this to be, and let's stipulate, as well, that he believes that the consequences of his actions are otherwise identical. He chooses to give the benefit to his child. What do we learn about Bloggs from his choice? We learn that Bloggs cares more about his child than he does about complete strangers. Nor is anyone likely to be surprised by this, for it just goes to show that he is much like the rest of us. He gives preferential treatment to his nearest and dearest when he acts, those with whom he has a special relationship, much as we do. Now imagine that we ask Bloggs to justify his choice. Suppose he says that he did what was best, and that it was the best thing for him to do because the benefit went to his child . What do we learn about Bloggs from his attempt to provide a justification for giving the benefit to his child? Assuming that this is supposed to be the most basic value relevant to his choice we learn that, in addition to caring more about his child than he does about complete strangers, he thinks that, in so doing, he cares about what is of fundamental value. As he sees things, there is a distinctive form of value — 'relative' value, as it has come to be called (Parfit 1984, p.27) — realised in his giving the smaller benefit to his child. That is what is signaled by his citing the fact that the benefit accrues to his child: this is the special relationship just mentioned. Moreover Bloggs thinks, correctly, that this kind of value wouldn't be realised if he instead gave the greater benefit to the stranger.
The hypo introduces an argument against what Smith calls Big "C" Consequentialism, which Smith defines as follows:
    Big 'C' consequentialism makes two crucial claims. First, it makes a substantive claim about the nature of value. It says that all values are neutral (Parfit 1984). Second, it makes a conceptual claim about the nature of obligation. It says that facts about what we ought to do can be analysed in terms of facts about which of the various things that we can do will maximize value (we will return to the details of this analysis in a moment).
And here is a bit more from later in the paper:
    Big 'C' consequentialism's hypothesis that all values are neutral is very simple. But what the nearest and dearest objection brings out is that the simplicity of the hypothesis doesn't inspire sufficient confidence in us to reject our firmly held conviction that some values are relative. We hear a story like Bloggs's and we are supposed to find ourselves dismissing his attempt to give a justification of his conduct, but we can't dismiss it. We share Bloggs's conviction that there are relative values at stake and that they can be realised by his giving the $100 to his child. Our confidence in the claim that there are relative values is thus greater than our confidence in big 'C' consequentialism's hypothesis that all values are neutral, notwithstanding the fact that that hypothesis purchases an abundance of the heoretical virtue of simplicity. In this way what the nearest and dearest objection brings out is that big 'C' consequentialism is simply incredible.
And finally:
    The epistemological version of the nearest and dearest objection is therefore still very much on the table. This is not, of course, a serious objection to any of Jackson's principle concerns in 'Decision Theoretic Consequentialism and the Nearest and Dearest Objection'. But it does mean that, at the end of the day, we are yet to be told why reflection on the nearest and dearest objection doesn't show that big 'C' consequentialism is simply incredible.
I strongly recommend Smith's paper to those who are interested in consequentialism.
Bibliography
    Jackson, Frank 1991: 'Decision Theoretic Consequentialism Objection', in Ethics , 101, pp.461-482.
    Parfit, Derek 1984: Reasons and Persons (Oxford: Oxford University Press).


 
Bainbridge on Regulation By Litigation Read this post.


 
Legal Theory Bookworm This week, the Legal Theory Bookworm recommends Moral Combat by Heidi Hurd:
    This book explores the thesis that legal roles force people to engage in moral combat, an idea that is implicit in the assumption that citizens may be morally required to disobey unjust laws, while judges may be morally required to punish citizens for civil disobedience. Heidi Hurd advances the surprising argument that the law cannot require us to do what morality forbids.
And here is a passage from deep within Hurd's argument:
    Legal theorists have long thought that the authority of the state--of legislative institutions, regulatory agencies, and the courts--is of the practical sort. Certainly it is practical authority that the law claims on its own behalf. When one sits at a traffic light in the middle of the night despite the blatant fact that it would be safe to cross the intersection, one is appropriately thought to take its color as both a (content-independent) reason to sit there and an (exclusionary) reason not to act on the overwhelming reasons to run the light.
And . . .
    Despite the plausibility given by common practice to the traditional notion that governmental institutions possess practical authority, it is not at all clear that obeying traffic signals, paying compensation, an debarring particular sorts of testimony are rational if done because a citizen or official has been so instructed. In short, it is not at all clear that the contemporary concept of legal obligation is not irresolvably paradoxical. If it is a canon of practical rationality that we act on the balance of reasons available to us, and if a government has only practical authority if it can command us to act in ways that may not comport with the balance of reasons as we see it, then obedience to law of the sort required by the exercise of practical authority violates a central principle of rationality. How could it ever be rational to act contrary to the balance of reasons as one sees it solely because one has been told to do so. Such is the paradox of practical authority.
Heidi Hurd is an extraordinarily thoughtful and careful thinker! Highly recommended.


 
Download of the Week This week the Download of the Week is Matthew Adler's paper Fear Assessment: Cost-Benefit Analysis and the Pricing of Fear and Anxiety. Adler describes the paper in the abstract:
    "Risk assessment" is now a common feature of regulatory practice, but "fear assessment" is not. In particular, environmental, health and safety agencies such as EPA, FDA, OSHA, NHTSA, and CPSC, commonly count death, illness and injury as "costs" for purposes of cost-benefit analysis, but almost never incorporate fear, anxiety or other welfare-reducing mental states into the analysis. This is puzzling, since fear and anxiety are welfare setbacks, and since the very hazards regulated by these agencies - air or water pollutants, toxic waste dumps, food additives and contaminants, workplace toxins and safety threats, automobiles, dangerous consumer products, radiation, and so on - are often the focus of popular fears. Even more puzzling is the virtual absence of economics scholarship on the pricing of fear and anxiety, by contrast with the vast literature in environmental economics on pricing other "intangible" benefits such as the existence of species, wilderness preservation, the enjoyment of hunters and fishermen, and good visibility, and the large literature in health economics on pricing health states. This Article makes the case for "fear assessment," and explains in detail how fear and anxiety should be quantified and monetized as part of a formal, regulatory cost-benefit analysis. The author proposes, concretely, that the methodology currently used to quantify and monetize "light" physical morbidities, such as headaches, coughs, sneezes, nausea, or shortness of breath, should be extended to fear. The change in total fear-days resulting from regulatory intervention to remove or mitigate some hazard - like the change in total headache-days, cough-days, etc. - should be predicted and then monetized at a standard dollar cost per fear-day determined using contingent-valuation interviews.
Download it while its hot!


Friday, November 28, 2003
 
Cohen on Who Can Blame the Terrorists at Cambridge At the Cambridge Forum for Legal & Political Philosophy, G.A. Cohen (All Souls College, Oxford) presents Casting the First Stone: Who Can and Who Can't Blame the Terrorists.


 
Saul on Torturing Terrorists at Oxford At Oxford's Human Rights Discussion Group, Ben Saul presents Torturing Terrorists after September 11: Dershowitz` Torture Warrant.


 
Papineau on Genes and Culture at Bristol At the University of Bristol's philosophy series, David Papineau (King's College, London) presents Genes and Culture.


 
Bernitz on European Competition Law Convergence at Oxford At Oxford's Institute of European and Comparative Law Seminar Series, Ulf Bernitz presents Convergence of European and National Competition Law: How Far Will it Go?.


 
Preece on Common Law & National Sovereignty Alun A. Preece (University of Queensland) has posted The Common Law and National Sovereignty on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Both the common law and the concept of national sovereignty have faced increased challenges from the growing impact of international and supranational law in the latter part of the 20th century. This paper will argued that it is not surprising that both face somewhat similar challenges, given that the common law evolved in the Middle Ages essentially as a unique national system in contrast to the spread of Roman Law based systems in most of the rest of Europe. Consequently, the common law system was intrinsically more favourable to concepts of national sovereignty and the latter was generally asserted earlier and more successfully in common law jur,isdictions. Certain common factors, notably geographic isolation contributed strongly to this. Even after the general European acceptance of the concept of national sovereignty at the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, a common law system generally carried with it a more pronounced assertion of national sovereignty. An example is a generally dualist as opposed to monist approach to international law. Another is a generally more reticent approach to constitutional entrenchment of bills of rights, or surrender or national sovereignty to international institutions or organisations.


 
Baker on Price Discrimination Jonathan B. Baker (American University, Washington College of Law) has posted Competitive Price Discrimination: The Exercise of Market Power Without Anticompetitive Effects (Comment on Klein and Wiley) (Antitrust Law Journal, Vol. 70, No. 3, pp. 643-54, 2003, American Bar Association) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    A firm that discriminates in prices faces a downward sloping demand curve, and thus could potentially raise price by reducing output. For this reason, evidence of price discrimination is relevant to assessing the possibility of market power, as antitrust law has long recognized. But price discrimination can be beneficial as well as harmful, and can reasonably be termed competitive if entry is easy. Hence a demonstration that entry is easy rebuts the inference of anticompetitive effect when price discrimination is the basis for proof of market power, breaking the link between market power and anticompetitive effect. Klein and Wiley's proposal that courts should never infer market power from price discrimination is unnecessary to insulate competitive price discrimination from antitrust scrutiny, introduces a confusing distinction between market-power-in-economics and market-power-in-antitrust, and risks insulating from liability firms engaged in price discrimination when discrimination or the practices that facilitate it would harm competition.


 
Conference Announcement: The Laws of War at Notre Dame
    Fall 2003 Symposium - December 3 - 5, 2003 The Changing Laws of War: Do We Need a New Legal Regime After 9/11? McKenna Hall - Center for Continuing Education Schedule: Wednesday, December 3rd Small Group dinners with Panelists and Faculty Thursday, December 4th 8:30 am Reception, McKenna Hall 9:00 am - 12:00 pm Panel 1, McKenna Hall 12:00 am - 2:00 pm Lunch at Morris Inn 2:00 pm - 4:30 pm Panel 2, McKenna Hall 6:30 pm Key Note Dinner, McKenna Hall Banquet Room Friday, December 5th 8:30 am Reception, McKenna Hall 9:00 am - 11:30 am Panel 1, McKenna Hall Panels: Thursday - morning US Law: Patriot Act/Due Process/Jurisdiction Moderator: Patricia Bellia, Notre Dame Law School Neal Katyal, Georgetown University Law Center Patrick Baude, Indiana University School of Law Michael Stokes Paulsen, University of Minnesota Law School Saikrishna Prakash, University of San Diego School of Law Thursday - afternoon Enemy combatant/stateless enemy/terrorist Moderator: Mark Kende, Notre Dame Law School John Choon Yoo, University of California, Berkeley - Boalt Hall School of Law & Greg Jacobs, Department of Justice Derek Jinks, University of Chicago Law School Jimmy Gurulé, Notre Dame Law School Friday - morning International Law/Geneva Conventions/Laws of War Moderator: Juan Mendez, Notre Dame Law School Michael Ramsey, University of San Diego School of Law Derek Jinks, University of Chicago Law School Jordan Paust, University of Houston Law Center William Bradford, Indiana University School of Law Admission Fee : $20 faculty&public; Free students


 
Ayotte & Skeel on Venue Choice in Bankruptcy Kenneth Ayotte and David A. Skeel, Jr. Jr. (Columbia Business School and University of Pennsylvania Law School) have posted Why Do Distressed Companies Choose Delaware? An Empirical Analysis of Venue Choice in Bankruptcy to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    We analyze a sample of large Chapter 11 cases to determine which factors motivate the choice of filing in one court over another when a choice is available. We focus in particular on the Delaware court, which became the most popular venue for large corporations in the 1990s. We find no evidence of agency problems governing the venue choice or affecting the outcome of the bankruptcy process. Instead, firm characteristics and court characteristics, particularly a court's level of experience, are the most important factors. We find that court experience manifests itself in both a greater ability to reorganize marginal firms and in reorganizing such firms faster. Delaware is similar to other high-experience courts in terms of the likelihood of reorganization controlling for firm characteristics, but is a standout in terms of speed. We estimate that a Delaware bankruptcy requires approximately 40% less time to complete than an equivalent case in another court.


 
Alward on Authorial Speech Acts Peter Alward has uploaded Attitudes Towards Fiction - Chapter 1: Authorial Speech Acts. Here is an excerpt:
    The upshot of this discussion is that insofar as authors are thought to be performing speech acts, they can only be thought of as performing utterance or inscriptional acts – acts of producing meaningful sentences tokens, but tokens lacking propositional content. Of course, this is not by itself sufficient for fiction-making, but the distinguishing mark of fiction is not to be found in authors’ communicative purposes. Fiction-making is the process of creating an artifact of a certain kind – a novel, or a novella, or a short story. The speech act approach to authorial activity erroneously models it on the activity of speakers engaged in communication rather than that of artists producing art objects. The mistake is a natural one given that art objects in question consist of sentences, which are primarily used for communication. Nonetheless, the relation of author to text should not be thought of as the relation of speaker to utterance, but rather as word-sculptor to word sculpture.
This paper is suggestive, in an interesting way, of the frequently used metaphor of crafting legislation. Hmm.


 
Bagley versus Nard Margo Bagley (Emory University - School of Law) has posted Still Patently Unconstitutional: A Reply to Professor Nard (Minnesota Law Review, Vol. 88, p. 238, 2003). Here is the abstract:
    In Defense of Geographic Disparity (also forthcoming, 88 Minn. L. Rev., Fall 2003), is Professor Craig Nard's response to Professor Bagley's article Patently Unconstitutional: The Geographical Limitation on Prior Art in a Small World, 87 MINN. L. REV. 679, 680-682 (2003). In this essay, Professor Bagley addresses Professor Nard's contention that the geographic limitation on prior art can be justified by the incentives it provides for U.S. pharmaceutical development which may enhance public welfare. By refocusing on the provision's constitutional deficiencies, expanding on the myriad costs associated with the provision, and discussing the dangers of maintaining this double standard that is out of step with the realities of both modern and traditional societies, Professor Bagley reaffirms her conclusion that elimination of the geographical limitation is a necessity in this small, small world.


Thursday, November 27, 2003
 
Giving Thanks
    Thanks to Howard Bashman--How Appealing is an amazing resource.
    Thanks to the Volokh Conspirators and the Crooked Timberites for many hours of interesting and provacative reading.
    Thanks to Rick Hasen, whose Election Law Blog is a wonder.
    Thanks to Jack Balkin. Nothing has been more rewarding than responding to the intelligent and careful work that Jack does on Balkinization.
    Thanks to Brett Marston, from whose Marstonalia, I have learned much.
    Thanks to my USD colleagues, Gail Heriot, Sai Prakash, Mike Rappaport, Maimon Schwarzschild, Tom Smith and Chris Wonnell for their fabulous new blog, The Right Coast.
    Thanks to Chris Bertram, Greg Goelzhauser, and Nate Oman--your support in the early days of Legal Theory Blog meant more than you can know.
    Thanks to Jane Galt and Glenn Reynolds for introducing many new readers to LTB.
    And most of all, thanks to you, for reading!
    Wishing all in the blogosphere, a joyous Thanksgiving,
    Larry


 
Lipton on Database Property Jacqueline D. Lipton (Case Western Reserve University - School of Law) uploads Balancing Private Rights and Public Policies: Reconceptualizing Property in Databases (Berkeley Technology Law Journal, Vol. 18, pp. 773-852, Summer 2003) to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This Article presents a new paradigm for thinking about intangible property rights in response to recent criticism that information products such as databases should not be over-propertized. Analyzing the inherent problems with existing approaches, the Article concludes that creating private property rights in these intangible assets will not inevitably lead to commercial and social problems. On the contrary, legislatures can create private property rights that when accompanied by appropriate oversight and monitoring will preserve commercial markets and the public domain of information. Indeed, a new database law can use the concept of property as an organizing tool to properly balance private rights and public policies. In developing this new approach to database protection, this Article examines the international debate on the creation of private property rights in databases. Furthermore, unlike previous models for sui generis database protection law based on copyright or trade secret law, the model in this Article draws on the principles underlying trademark and patent law in reaching a new solution.


 
Is there really a workshop at Northwestern today? Northwestern's website says that Ronen Avraham is presenting Liability Rules and Modular Liability Rules: Another Ex-Ante View of the Cathedral. But surely not!


 
Fehige on Desires at ANU At ANU's RSSS, Christoph Fehige (University of Konstanz) presents Desires as Affects.


 
The UN and National Building at ANU At ANU's faculty of law, there is a conference entitled The United Nations and State Building.


Wednesday, November 26, 2003
 
Litman on Sharing and Stealing Jessica Litman (Wayne State University Law School) has posted Sharing and Stealing on SSRN. (For an updated version of the working paper, follow this link.) Here is the abstract:
    The purpose of copyright is to encourage the creation and mass dissemination of a wide variety of works. Until recently, most means of mass dissemination required a significant capital investment. The lion's share of the economic proceeds of copyrights were therefore channeled to publishers and distributors, and the law was designed to facilitate that. Digital distribution invites us to reconsider all of the assumptions underlying that model. We are still in the early history of the networked digital environment, but already we've seen experiments with both direct and consumer-to-consumer distribution of works of authorship. One remarkable example of the difference consumer-to-consumer dissemination can make is seen in the astonishing information space that has grown up on the world wide web. The Internet has transformed information and the way we interact with it by creating an easily accessible, dynamic, shared information space. Its success derives from the fact that information sharing on the Web is almost frictionless; individuals are free to post information they learned from others without having to secure their permissions. This paper proposes that we look for some of the answers to the vexing problem of unauthorized exchange of music files on the Internet in the wisdom intellectual property law has accumulated about the protection and distribution of factual information. In particular, it analyzes the digital information resource that has developed on the Internet, and suggests that what we should be trying to achieve is an online musical smorgasbord of comparable breadth and variety. It proposes that we adopt a legal architecture that encourages but does not compel copyright owners to make their works available for widespread sharing over digital networks, and that we incorporate into that architecture a payment mechanism, based on a blanket or collective license, designed to compensate creators and to bypass unnecessary intermediaries.
And here is a bit more, re the license scheme that Litman envisions:
    We should adopt a legal architecture that encourages but does not compel copyright owners to make their works available for widespread sharing over digital networks. We should incorporate into that architecture a payment mechanism designed to compensate creators and to bypass unnecessary intermediaries. That mechanism should have sufficient flexibility to allow current and new upstart intermediaries to devise useful value-added flavors of intermediation and collect dollars accordingly. Fisher, Ku and Netanel have done a pretty good job of identifying the goods and services that will need to be subject to a copyright “tax,” “fee,” “levy,” or “royalty. ” The pot of money generated by the fees should be disbursed by whatever agency Congress decides should replace the current unworkable Copyright Arbitration Royalty Panels. In the first instance, money should be disbursed to the musicians and composers who author music and recordings.
One of the most interesting aspects of Litman's analysis is her contention that the schemes she supports (compulsory license plus a tax) are outside the politically feasible choice set. Litman raises the obvious question: "If I’m persuaded that politics would prevent the adoption of a Netanel/Fisher/Ku/Lunney solution, why am I bothering to articulate my own variation?" Part of her answer is: "The fact that more than sixty million consumers are currently exchanging music over peer-to-peer networks in the U.S. gives them a stake in the building consensus and both a moral and a political claim to a seat at the copyright bargaining table." Litman, who understands the politics of copyright legislation as well as anyone, is certainly aware of the collective action problem that faces consumers--our individual stakes are insufficient to given individuals an incentive to incur the expense of direct participation, and free rider problems will plague the effort to create a collective lobbying effort with the resource base that would make it a serious competitor to the content owner lobbies. Highly recommended!
And here are some references:
  • Neil W. Netanel, Impose a Noncommercial Use Levy to Allow Free P2P File Swapping and ReMixing, U. of Texas Law, Public Law Research Paper No. 14 (Nov. 15, 2002)
  • William Fisher III, An Alternative Compensation System in PROMISES TO KEEP: TECHNOLOGY, LAW AND THE FUTURE OF ENTERTAINMENT (forthcoming 2004).
  • Raymond Shih Ray Ku, CREATIVE DESTRUCTION OF COPYRIGHT: NAPSTER AND THE NEW ECONOMICS OF DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY, 69 U. Chi. L. Rev. 263 (2002).


 
More from Weatherson on Cloning Brian Weatherson has put up a series of posts on cloning over at Crooked Timber, with many fine comments added by readers. His latest two posts can be found here and here.


 
Gardner & Macklem on Provocation John Gardner & Timothy Macklem have uploaded No Provocation without Responsibility: a Reply to MacKay and Mitchell. For submission to the Criminal Law Review. Here is a taste:
    In a recent issue of the Review, R.J. MacKay and B.J. Mitchell make a thought-provoking contribution to the long-running debate about the relationship between provocation and diminished responsibility as defences to murder. In part, their article is a reaction to an earlier contribution that we made to the same debate, also in the pages of the Review. MacKay and Mitchell share with us a dissatisfaction with the state of the law after the House of Lords’ decision in R v Smith (Morgan). They agree with us that the House of Lords left the law in an unstable condition. But that is where the agreement ends. We argued that the House of Lords had erred in trying to knit the two defences together. MacKay and Mitchell, by contrast, see the decision as testament to the folly of trying to keep the two defences apart. They argue that the law should take R v Smith to its logical conclusion, and unify the two defences forthwith.
    At the centre of our argument was what we regarded as an elemental contrast between excuses and denials of responsibility. To offer an excuse, we said, is to attempt to provide a decent rational explanation for what one did. To deny responsibility, by contrast, is to assert that (because at the time one was not a sufficiently rational being) no rational explanation for what one did is called for. Defences in these two classes, we argued, are not only different but incompatible. To make an excuse is not only not to deny one’s responsibility; it is positively to assert one’s responsibility. To deny one’s responsibility is not only not to make an excuse; it is to undermine any excuse one might have made. That is because one cannot claim to live up to rationality’s standards while also claiming that one should not be judged by rationality’s standards.
If you are interested in the theory of criminal law, you will want to read Gardner & Macklem!


 
Barry on Utilitarianism and Human Rights at UCL At University College, London, today, Brian Barry (Columbia) presents Utilitarianism and Human Rights?


 
Keohane on Rational Choice & International Law Robert Keohane (Duke University - Department of Political Science) has posted Rational Choice and International Law (Journal of Legal Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1, January 2002) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Rational choice theory provides important insights for the study of international law and institutions, but it also encounters significant limitations. Rationality is an ideal type and strategic action is a matter of degree. Neither should be regarded as limited to activities involving the pursuit of material self-interest. Rational choice theory is valuable, for the analysis of international law and institutions, in five ways: 1) as a basis for skeptical interpretations of talk and action; 2) as a menu of causal mechanisms; 3) as an explanatory device for helping to resolve specific puzzles; 4) as part - but only part - of an explanation of legal and political phenomena; and 5) as the basis for generating further puzzles for research. Different methods are associated with these different tasks. Rational choice theory seeks to encompass an extraordinary range of human behavior within a single encompassing framework. This ambition drives an important intellectual agenda; but the practitioners of rational choice theory should beware of the sin of hubris, or pride.


 
Infanti on the IRC as a Sodomy Statute Anthony C. Infanti (University of Pittsburgh - School of Law) has uploaded The Internal Revenue Code as Sodomy Statute (Santa Clara Law Review, Vol. 44) to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This article represents an attempt to bridge the gap between gay and straight understanding of the Internal Revenue Code's impact on same-sex couples. Through a combination of personal narrative and legal analysis, I try to explain how, from a gay perspective, the Code can be viewed as just another manifestation of the fluid mixture of hostility, bewilderment, and discomfort that generally characterize society's reaction to homosexuality. By explaining the experiences behind my perceptions of the Code, I hope to help my heterosexual colleagues to understand just how demeaning and oppressive the Code can seem to gays and lesbians - regardless of any net financial benefit that same-sex couples may receive, or any net financial detriment that they may suffer, under the Code.


 
Atik on Nafta & Legitimacy Jeffery Atik (Loyola Marymount University) has uploaded Repenser NAFTA Chapter 11: A Catalogue of Legitimacy Critiques (Asper Review of International Business and Trade Law, Vol. 3, 2004). Here is the abstract:
    No feature of NAFTA is more often criticized than Chapter 11. It has proved to be a lightning rod for anti-NAFTA and anti-globalization critics. Environmentalists, labor organizers and human rights advocates all decry its secrecy, its potential disruptiveness to ordinary lawmaking and its placing of investors' interests before those of the broader public. Chapter 11 is portrayed as a great give-away - an elaborate ruse to evade checks on corporate activity in the three NAFTA countries. Nor do any of the three NAFTA Parties - the governments of the United States, Canada, and Mexico - seem particularly pleased with Chapter 11's operation. There is more than a little buyer's remorse evident. All three nations share a general discomfort with the extensive reach Chapter 11 has displayed. Through an unanticipated flow of decisions, Chapter 11 tribunals have entertained - if not endorsed - far more extravagant investment claims than were likely imagined by the three nations while negotiating Chapter 11's substantive terms. Such widespread unhappiness with Chapter 11 is somewhat unanticipated, as Chapter 11 attracted little attention during its negotiations. Indeed, it is now viewed as having been something of a Trojan Horse: seemingly benign upon first delivery, but later understood to have brought destruction to national democratic institutions. Many of the attacks on Chapter 11 are expressed in terms of a lack of legitimacy. The exercise of authority by Chapter 11 tribunals over public decisions seems wildly inconsistent with the understandings and expectations in all three countries of how legitimate political and judicial determinations should be made. There is a repeated and emphatic protest of unfair surprise advanced by critics of Chapter 11 - many, if not most, state/provincial and local public officials in the three NAFTA Parties claim to have been unaware of the establishment of an external mechanism that can impose monetary liability for legislative and judicial decision-making. The implication made here is that had Chapter 11 been better known and understood, it would never have been implemented. It is a sucker-punch, a hidden rider, the unnoticed fine print. Now in place, the potential of Chapter 11 to restrict lawmaking prerogatives chafes legislators throughout North America. Chapter 11, as part of NAFTA, is layered on top of the domestic legal regimes of the three NAFTA Parties. As such, questions of its legitimacy are perhaps best viewed from the specific legal traditions - and legal expectations - native to each Party. Thus, to answer whether Chapter 11 is legitimate, one can usefully draw on the structures, constitutional understandings and functional notions of legitimacy found within each NAFTA Party. To the extent Chapter 11 goes beyond the expected (even if this is exactly the intended point of its construction), legitimacy is tested. This essay presents a catalogue of defects, surprises, shortcomings and deliberate design associated with Chapter 11 - all of which have prompted attacks on its legitimacy.


Tuesday, November 25, 2003
 
Posner on Databases & Copyright Richard Posner has written a typically lucid opinion in ASSESSMENT TECHNOLOGIES OF WI, LLC. v. WIREDATA, INC. The case concerns a real-estate database constructed from public domain records subject to an open records statute. Posner observes that the plaintiff could claim a copyright in the arrangement of the data (the data elements & the arrangement of the elements into tables), but not underlying raw data. Link courtesy of the always amazing Howard Bashman.


 
Bertram on Rousseau Chris Bertram (Crooked Timber) has a marvelous book on Rousseau that is now available from Amazon.com: Rousseau and the Social Contract. I just bought my copy! Perhaps the reader's of Legal Theory Blog can boost Chris's sales rank! Buy it while its hot!


 
Fanto on Whistleblowing & Public Directors James A. Fanto (Brooklyn Law School) uploads Whistleblowing and the Public Director: Countering Corporate Inner Circles to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    I argue that, in the corporate scandals, the contrast between the behavior of many executives, board members and corporate advisors who were reluctant to challenge corporate misbehavior and that of the small number of corporate whistleblowers who did points to a disturbing social psychological reality that has been overlooked in the discussion of, and reforms addressing, the scandals: a group dynamic that binds group members together so that it blinds them to their failings and abuses. I contend that this social psychological reality, long known to and studied by social psychologists, is a basic cause of the scandals. I first review recent corporate scandals and highlight the evidence of the social psychological phenomenon of the inner group or circle in them. I next explain how social psychological theories, such as "groupthink" and the group production of evil, account for why corporate inner circles behaved improperly. I then look at reform proposals of advisory groups on corporate governance and self-regulatory organizations and argue that the reforms these groups either propose or implement will prove ineffective because they fail to recognize the role of the inner circles in the scandals. I offer a response, inspired by social psychological theory, that would help prevent future scandals by keeping a board from falling under the domination of an inner circle. I propose that public companies have a significant minority of "public" directors who would be selected for shareholder election to boards from a group of individuals identified by a new government oversight board and whose goal would be to oppose and monitor the firm's inner circle. Since I assume that many existing board members, who now compose an elite coming from a few specific backgrounds, are particularly prone to joining inner circles, I argue that public board members should primarily be drawn from outside this elite. This ambitious reform is needed because investments in public companies have replaced bank investing for most ordinary Americans and because private ordering is not solving the inner circle problem. I then explain how provisions in Sarbanes-Oxley, and the implementing SEC regulations, that change board practices can be understood as an implicit, but imperfect, effort to create an oppositional attitude among board members and their advisors that would counter the rise of inner circles and their groupthink. I discuss the reforms' limitations due to their inadequate grounding in social psychology.


 
Trosow on Copyright for Subsidized Speech Samuel E Trosow (University of Western Ontario - Faculty of Law / Faculty of Information & Media Studies) has posted Copyright Protection for Federally Funded Research: Necessary Incentive or Double Subsidy? on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Should works resulting from research that has been substantially subsidized by the United States Federal Government be protected by copyright, or immediately enter the public domain? The Public Access to Science Act (PASA) would place these works in the public domain in the same manner as works prepared by government employees. This paper evaluates the merits of the legislation by placing the question of the appropriate copyright treatment of federally subsidized works within an historical perspective, taking into account the underlying purposes of copyright policy as well as the changes that have taken place in field of scholarly publishing since Congress last considered the issue in 1976. The regulatory environment and practices of the major federal funding agencies are reviewed, showing that agencies have failed to utilize their broad discretion over the treatment of funded works, resulting in an over-protection of works as the default rule. The paper considers how the balancing of interests that has historically informed copyright policy should be applied to works that have been federally supported; it will review and assess the initial reactions to PASA from the point of view of various stakeholders including the commercial publishers, non-commercial publishers, universities, authors and researchers, and library associations; and it will consider whether the PASA's purposes might be accomplished through other mechanisms. The conclusion is reached that works resulting from extramural research that has been substantially subsidized by the Federal Government should enter the public domain in the same manner as works resulting from intramural government research undertaken by federal employees, and that PASA provides a straightforward mechanism for reaching this result.


 
Posner Speaks Another Rice Grad guest blogs Richard Posner's talk at George Mason on Bush v. Gore over at Southern Appeal.


 
Ides on Congress's Power to Regulate Abortion Under the Commerce Clause Allan Ides (Loyola Marymount University) has uploaded The Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003 and the Commerce Clause to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The constitutional controversy surrounding the recently enacted Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003 has focused on whether the Act imposes an undue burden on a woman's right to choose an abortion. More specifically, the question is whether the Act runs afoul of the principles enunciated in Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914 (2000). The focus of this essay is on a separate constitutional question, namely, whether the Act represents a valid exercise of the commerce power under the principles enunciated in United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549 (1995) and United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000). The author concludes that under current Commerce Clause doctrinal standards the constitutionality of the Act as written is in serious doubt. Since this is a working draft, the author invites comments and criticisms.
Highly recommended.


 
Bainbridge on Eisenberg I would imagine that most readers of Legal Theory Blog will want to read Stephen M. Bainbridge's (University of California, Los Angeles - School of Law) Social Propositions and Common Law Adjudication, which is just up on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This essay reviews The Nature of the Common Law by Melvin A. Eisenberg (Harvard University Press, 1988). Professor Eisenberg's stated goal therein "is to develop the institutional principles that govern the way in which the common law is established in our society." In the course of doing so, Eisenberg addresses the functions of courts in American society, modes of legal reasoning and the process of overturning prior precedents. Yet Eisenberg never loses sight of his central thesis, namely that "all common law cases are decided under a unified methodology, and under this methodology social propositions always figure in determining the rules the courts establish and the way in which those rules are extended, restricted, and applied." According to the reviewer (UCLA law professor Stephen M. Bainbridge), The Nature of the Common Law is one of the most thought-provoking books ever written on common law adjudication. Eisenberg's belief in social morality as a workable guide to decisionmaking surely invites further debate. So too does his concomitant belief that law is more than merely the personal moral and policy preferences of the judge. Indeed, one might almost say that The Nature of the Common Law deserves to be controversial, for Eisenberg has given us a report that is both normatively appealing and descriptively accurate. The Nature of the Common Law succeeds because it is both an attractive vision of how courts should function and a perspicuous account of the real world in which courts actually function.


 
Driver Reviews Arply Julia Driver has a Review of Nomy Arpaly's Unprincipled Virtue on Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews. Here is an excerpt:
    I felt sure I would like Nomy Arpaly’s book when I opened it to the first page and saw John LeCarré’s name in the first sentence. I was not disappointed. Arpaly uses an engaging mix of literary examples and rigorous analysis to present and argue for a variety of interesting claims relating to virtue. Arpaly has something novel and interesting to say about autonomy, agency, moral worth, and virtue. This is an excellent book, and one of the best I’ve read recently.


 
Gregory on Stalinism at George Mason At George Mason's Philosophy, Politics, and Economics series, Paul Gregory (Economics, University of Houston) presents The Political Economy of Stalinism.


 
Williams on the Natural/Positivist Nexus at OJDG At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Melanie Williams, presents Then and Now: The Natural/Positivist Nexus at War - Auden’s “September 1, 1939”.


 
Duffield on Patent Harmonization at Oxford At Oxford's IP Seminar, Graham Dutfield presents Harmonising Patent Law? A Lesson from the 19th Century Dyestuff Industry.


 
Shavell on Contracts Steven Shavell (Harvard Law School) has posted On the Writing and the Interpretation of Contracts on SSRN. ($5.00 fee.) Here is the abstract:
    The major theme of this article is that the interpretation of contracts - their possible amplification, correction, and modification by adjudicators - is in the interests of contracting parties. The general reasons are (a) that interpretation may improve on otherwise imperfect contracts; and (b) that the prospect of interpretation allows parties to write simpler contracts and thus to conserve on contracting effort. A method of interpretation is defined as a function whose argument is the written contract and whose value is another contract, the interpreted contract, which is what actually governs the parties' joint enterprise. It is shown that interpretation is superior to enforcement of contracts as written, and the optimal method of interpretation is analyzed.
Unfortunately, I cannot download the paper. I'm very interested in the argument that the interpretation of a contract is another contract--because of the potential regress problem. Anyone have a copy?


 
Boos on H.L.A. Hart & David Hume, Is/Ought Eric J. Boos (Sokoine University - Law) posts The Misapplication of the 'Is-Ought' Distinction and the Role of Justice in Hart's Legal Theory on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    In this article I intend to show that H.L.A. Hart's position in The Concept of Law, that the validity of law is not grounded in the fact that the content of law is essentially moral, is incongruent with his insistence that the ultimate rule of recognition is grounded in normative (social) behavior. Hart's insistence that there be an attitude of shared acceptance toward the ultimate rule of recognition compromises his insistence that there is no logically necessary relationship between law and morality. The problem in Hart's legal theory seems to be rooted in his strident efforts to make application of the general tenets of positivism. His attempt to keep separate the fields of law and morality while at the same time attempting to satisfy the parameters of his own project as a "descriptive sociology," are in conflict. In short, Hart seems to have too stringently applied Hume's Is-Ought distinction to the realm of legal theory.


 
Adler on Fear Assessment or "The Only Cost We Have to Weigh is Fear Itself" Matthew D. Adler (University of Pennsylvania Law School) has uploaded Fear Assessment: Cost-Benefit Analysis and the Pricing of Fear and Anxiety to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    "Risk assessment" is now a common feature of regulatory practice, but "fear assessment" is not. In particular, environmental, health and safety agencies such as EPA, FDA, OSHA, NHTSA, and CPSC, commonly count death, illness and injury as "costs" for purposes of cost-benefit analysis, but almost never incorporate fear, anxiety or other welfare-reducing mental states into the analysis. This is puzzling, since fear and anxiety are welfare setbacks, and since the very hazards regulated by these agencies - air or water pollutants, toxic waste dumps, food additives and contaminants, workplace toxins and safety threats, automobiles, dangerous consumer products, radiation, and so on - are often the focus of popular fears. Even more puzzling is the virtual absence of economics scholarship on the pricing of fear and anxiety, by contrast with the vast literature in environmental economics on pricing other "intangible" benefits such as the existence of species, wilderness preservation, the enjoyment of hunters and fishermen, and good visibility, and the large literature in health economics on pricing health states. This Article makes the case for "fear assessment," and explains in detail how fear and anxiety should be quantified and monetized as part of a formal, regulatory cost-benefit analysis. The author proposes, concretely, that the methodology currently used to quantify and monetize "light" physical morbidities, such as headaches, coughs, sneezes, nausea, or shortness of breath, should be extended to fear. The change in total fear-days resulting from regulatory intervention to remove or mitigate some hazard - like the change in total headache-days, cough-days, etc. - should be predicted and then monetized at a standard dollar cost per fear-day determined using contingent-valuation interviews.
Every paper by Matt Adler I read, I like!


 
Mattiacci on Kaplow & Shavell Giuseppe Dari Mattiacci (Utrecht School of Economics) has posted Goedel, Kaplow, Shavell: Consistency and Completeness in Social Decisionmaking on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The recent debate on what criteria ought to guide social decisionmaking has focused on consistency: it has been argued that criteria contradicting one another - namely, welfare and fairness - should not be simultaneously employed in order for policy assessment to be consistent. In this article, I raise the related problem of completeness - that is, the question of whether or not a set of consistent criteria is capable of providing answers to all social decision problems. If not, as I suggest might be the case, then the only way to decide otherwise undecidable issues is to simultaneously employ both welfare and fairness, which implies a certain degree of inconsistency within the system.


Monday, November 24, 2003
 
More on the Demandingness Objection to Utilitarianism Here, from Michael Rappaport of The Right Coast. The gist of the demandingness objection is captured by the question: doesn't utilitarianism demand that we all work for Oxfam? One potential way to answer the objection relies on R.M. Hare's distinction between utilitarianism as an ideal theory of morality, and the rules of thumb that would produce the best consequences if internalized as social norms. Rappaport has some interesting things to say about a Harean strategy. After you read Rappaport's very thoughtful post, consider this argument from Stanford University graduate student Daniel Lafave:
    The main problem with two-level views is their psychology. If I really accept utilitarianism, how can I abide by a common-sense morality I know to be a fiction? And ifI really do take that common sense morality seriously, how can I just forget it when I am supposed to think as a utilitarian? The two-level response here must be that this is indeed a messy compromise, but one made to deal with a messy reality.
    Act-utilitarianism is an extremely demanding theory, since it requires you to be entirely impartial between your own interests, the interests of those you love, and theinterests of all. The usual example offered is famine relief. By giving up all your time,money and energy to famine relief, you will save many lives and prevent much suf-fering. Utilitarians often claim at this point that there are limits to human capabilities,and utilitarianism requires us only to do what we can. But the sense of ‘can’ hereis quite obscure, since in any ordinary sense I can give up my job and spend my life campaigning for Oxfam.
    The demandingness objection seems particularly serious when taken in the context of widespread noncompliance with the demands of act-utilitarian morality. Most people do little or nothing for the developing world, and this is why the moral demands on me are so great. An argument such as this has been used to advocate rule-utilitarianism, according to which the right action is that which is in accord with thatset of rules which, if generally or universally accepted, would maximize utility.
My prior post was here and Matthew Yglesias had a post here.
Update :And more from Ciceronian Review, here.
Additional update: And for more from Charles Stewart, surf here.


 
Weekend Update On Saturday, the Dowload of the Week was Gerald Postema's magisterial two-part paper on the common law, and the Legal Theory Bookworm recommended Robert Alexy's latest. Sunday, the topic for the Legal Theory Lexicon was the theory of the second best (and the distinction between ideal and nonideal theory). And also on Sunday, you will find the Legal Theory Calendar, with workshops, conferences, and other events of note for this week. Finally, the last post from the weekend was a longish response to Brian Anderson's Opinion Journal op/ed on Senator Schumer and judicial selection.


 
Froomkin on National ID Cards at FSU At Florida State, Michael Froomkin (University of Miami) presents The Uneasy Case for National ID Cards as a Means to Enhance Privacy. I always learn from Froomkin's work. This should be excellent! P.S. FSU appears to have password protected the paper, so I have substituted a link to a version from Froomkin's website--this may not be the same draft as circulated to the FSU faculty.


 
Jiang on Defined Contribution Plans at Columbia At Columbia's law and economics series, Professor Wei Jiang (Columbia University Graduate School of Business) presents Defined Contribution Pension Plans: Determinants of Participation and Contributions Rates (authored with Business School colleagues Professors Gur Huberman and Sheena S. Iyengar).


 
Schmidtz on Equality at Arizona At Tulane's Center for Ethics and Public Affairs, David Schmidtz (University of Arizona) presents Equality. Largish topic?


 
Griffin at Oxford At Oxford's Moral Philosophy Seminar, James Griffin (ANU) speaks today. Topic anyone?


 
O'Connor on Corporate Governance and Human Capital Marleen O'Connor (Stetson University College of Law) has uploaded American Corporate Governance and Resilient Families: Investing in Children's Human Capital in Turbulent Times to SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This article considers the relationship between corporate governance and the well-being of children. The United States has a serious skills deficit among its younger workers. Experts from many fields agree that human capital development in the early years of life profoundly shape the adult worker. Parents have the greatest influence on human capital development during this time. Parents are trying to do their best, yet socio-economic changes make it increasingly difficult for parents to raise their children. This article considers how the economic transition to the new economy and the social revolution concerning changing gender roles intersect and interact to negatively impact the family. This article asserts that corporations need to take responsibility to promote resilient families in these turbulent times by implementing better work/family policies. This article considers how a new political coalition of parents is forming and suggests that this group seek to harness the pension power of American working families to push corporations to implement better work/family programs. Keywords: corporate governance, sustainable economic development, child well-being, gender, flexible labor markets, family, children, human capital, work/family, pension funds, diversity, institutional shareholders


 
Viscusi on Tort Reform and Insurance Markets W. Kip Viscusi (Harvard Law School) has posted Tort Reform and Insurance Markets on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Proposed tort reforms have focused on punitive damages and noneconomic damages, each of which pose problems for jury decision making. The U.S. Supreme Court decision in State Farm v. Campbell will greatly limit very large punitive damages awards, and will affect smaller punitive awards to a lesser degree. Noneconomic damages caps enacted by state legislatures have greatly enhanced insurance market performance. Insurers operate within the context of a highly imperfect, regulated market in which there is substantial price rigidity induced by regulation. Reform efforts should strive to establish greater predictability and stability in these awards components rather than simply being concerned with imposing specific numerical caps.


 
Wuerth on Madison's Forgotten War Ingrid B. Wuerth (University of Cincinnati - College of Law) posts The President's Power to Detain 'Enemy Combatants': Modern Lessons From Mr. Madison's Forgotten War (Northwestern University Law Review, Vol. 98, 2004) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This article uses three sets of cases from the War of 1812 to illustrate three problems with how modern courts have approached the detention of "enemy combatants" in the United States. The War of 1812 cases show that modern courts have relied too heavily on deference-based reasoning, and have failed to adequately consider both international law and congressional authorization when upholding the detentions as constitutional. The War of 1812, termed "Mr. Madison's War" by contemporary opponents, was fought largely on our own territory against a powerful foreign enemy, making it an especially rich source for comparison to the modern war on terrorism. It is the only declared war of the new republic that offers founding-era views on military authority under the Constitution. And the cases themselves have not been overruled or rendered obsolete in the intervening years; instead they illustrate the enduring importance of congressional authorization and international law in setting the scope of the President's war powers. Considered as a whole, the War of 1812 cases thus provide strong reasons to reconsider the courts' recent enemy combatant jurisprudence.


 
Margulies on Judging and Terrorism Peter Margulies (Roger Williams University School of Law) has posted Judging Terror in the 'Zone of Twilight': Exigency, Accountability, and Procedure After September 11 on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Efforts by the political branches to deal with the threat of mass violence by transnational networks have created what Justice Jackson in the Steel Seizure case called a "zone of twilight" for courts. Executive assertions of power to fashion exigent procedures for the confinement and adjudication of alleged terrorists have posed a particularly nettlesome dilemma. Courts can either defer to the executive, trusting that the special circumstances of the case will seal off any lasting harm to the principles that guide the rest of the legal system, or can seek refugee in a stalwart absolutism that accepts even catastrophic harm to innocents as the price of democracy. Navigating through the zone of twilight requires a pragmatic focus on the implications of exigent procedures for both public safety and the relationships between the three branches. The history of both habeas corpus and remedies jurisprudence reveals just such a pragmatic turn, which I call institutional equity. While no road map is available, institutional equity offers a framework for analysis of issues such as the detention of alleged "unlawful combatants" that avoids the dangers of both deference and absolutism.


 
Hay on Stings Bruce L. Hay (Harvard Law School) has posted Sting Operations, Undercover Agents and Entrapment on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This paper undertakes an economic analysis of "sting" operations, in which the authorities induce, or tempt, an individual to commit a crime or comparable rule violation. The paper considers the rationales for this law enforcement technique, including its potential advantages over alternative techniques such as ex post apprehension of offenders. Two functions of sting operations are emphasized and analyzed: (1) the informational function of identifying likely offenders; and (2) the behavioral function of deterring offenses. The paper examines the tensions between these functions, and offers a model of desirable sting operation policy.


Sunday, November 23, 2003
 
Senator Schumer and the Criteria for Judicial Selection
    Anderson on Schumer Over at Opinion Journal, Brian Anderson has an op/ed on Senator Charles Schumer's approach to judicial selection. Here is a taste:
      Schumerism has wrought incalculable damage to our political fabric. For two years, Sen. Schumer has waged a campaign to subvert the criteria by which the Senate ratifies presidential judicial picks. For much of American history, the Senate, in its confirmation of judges, has relied on principles laid down by Alexander Hamilton in The Federalist: integrity, intelligence and temperament, and faithfulness to the rule of law--terms on which President Bush's picks, Justice Brown included, pass with high marks. But instead of Hamiltonian standards, Mr. Schumer insists that senators must make a judge's "ideology" their principal concern. By this he means the judge's private political opinions, as well as the political results his decisions have led to in past cases and could lead to in the future. Judges whose views on affirmative action and abortion are outside the "mainstream" should be disqualified from sitting on the federal bench, regardless of competence. As for the definition of "mainstream," Schumerism simply holds that conservatives are ipso facto "extremist."
    And a bit more:
      For decades, liberals have happily watched an activist judiciary twist the Constitution to make it produce "progressive" policy outcomes--from affirmative action to partial-birth abortion--that the left never could have won from voters. Liberals have defended the judiciary's expansive policymaking by saying that it simply grew out of a "living Constitution"--a document whose principles, interpreted by wise judges (i.e., those with a "progressive" world view), could adapt to the needs of every era. Conservatives have lamented this trend toward legislating from the bench; they want the courts restored to some semblance of what the Framers intended courts to be--neutral referees, applying the law not creating it. The conservative jurisprudence of "originalism," favored by Bush judicial appointees, directs judges to stick to the Constitution as the Framers understood it, and to read statutes to mean what they say. Originalists believe that legal texts have a limited range of meaning, which can be rightly or wrongly glossed. The prospect of an originalist bench depoliticizing the law gives the left nightmares, since it could sweep away some court-mandated liberal policy gains as unconstitutional. So Schumerists have trained their fire on originalism. They argue that all approaches to law are at bottom a matter of power politics. The originalists may claim to be faithful to legal texts, but that's a delusion: Judicial interpretation is unavoidably "ideological." What the Bush judges, like all judges, are really up to, Schumerism avers, is construing the law so that it produces their favored policies. And since what's at stake is momentous--abortion, affirmative action, vouchers--and since judging is just a form of politics, Schumerism licenses the use of any means necessary to retain a liberal judiciary. This includes calling Bush nominees "extremist right-wing ideologues" out to "attack working families," denouncing originalists as "right-wing judicial activists," smearing nominees as closet bigots, trying to create by filibuster a new supermajority requirement for judicial confirmations, and proposing, as Sen. Schumer has done, to take away the president's constitutional power to select judges and turn it over to state committees, equally divided between Democrats and Republicans, making impossible the appointment of a judge unacceptable to Democrats.
    Anderson's Analysis Raises an Important Question On the one hand, Anderson's op/ed oversimplifies a complex story. During the Clinton Administration, Republicans clearly employed ideological criteria when opposing some nominees; moreoever, the Republicans employed a variety of obstructionist tactics--although when they were in the majority they did not need to employ the filibuster. On the other hand, Anderson's piece raises an important question--just what is the basis for Democratic opposition to Janice Brown and the rest of the filibustered nominees. Consider five possibilities:
      1. Democratic use of the filibuster is based on the nominee's lack of fidelity to law. That is, the Democrats oppose Brown, et al, because they rely on their own political preferences when rendering judicial decisions that cannot be supported on legal grounds.
      2. Democratic filibusters are based on the nominee's political ideology per se, even if the nominee's actual judicial decisions are in fact based entirely on the formal legal considerations.
      3. Democratic filibusters are based on the nominee's political ideology, because in cases in which the law underdetermines the results, Democrats believe that political ideology will fill the gap and determine the outcome of the case.
      4. Democratic filibusters are based on the nominee's judicial philosophy. Democrats oppose any candidate who favors originalism or plain meaning as an approach to constitutional interpretation, because these approaches are inconsistent with important decisions of the Warren/Burger Courts (e.g. Roe v. Wade).
      5. Democratic filibusters are not really based on the nominee's likely performance on the Court of Appeals, but are instead tactical moves, designed to thwart possible nominations to the United States Supreme Court and thereby to hold open Supreme Court vacancies for the next Democratic President.
    In all likelihood, many democratic Senators haven't clearly distinguished between these five rationales and the actual motivations for the caucus are likely to vary from Senator to Senator.
    A Simple Model of Judicial Selection And, in fact, there are even more complicated possibilities, because it is possible that Democrats are considering both political ideology and judicial philosophy in deciding which candidates should be subject to a filibuster veto. It's worthwhile thinking a bit more abstractly about this. So let's consider a very simply model where judges are rated by judicial selectors (Presidents and Senators) on two dimensions. Here they are:
      --Political Ideology. Let's assume that selectors rate candidates on the basis of their political ideology on a contiunous real line that runs from left to right. Let us assume that a perfectly left canidate scores zero and a perfectly right candidate scores one, with a middle-of-the road candidate scoring 0.5.
      --Judicial Philosophy. Let's assume that selectors rate candidates on the basis of their judicial philsophy on a continuous real line that runs from formalist to realist. Let us assume that a perfectly formalist candidates would decide cases entirely on the basis of the legal materials, the text, structure, history, and precedent, without any conscious reliance on poltical ideology. Give such a candidate a score of zero. Let us assume that a perfectly realist candidate would decide cases enitrely on the basis of political ideology, giving no weight to legal materials at all. Give such a candidate a score of one.
    We now can represent each judicial candidate as a point in the resulting two dimensional space. _____________________Two Dimensions of Judging __________Realist__| ___________________| ___________________| ___________________| ___________________| ___________________| ___________________| ___________________| ___________________| ________Formalist__|__________________________ ___________________Left___________________Right
    So each judicial candidate will have a position in this two dimensional space. In the upper left, will be left-realist judges, who decide cases almost solely on the basis of their left ideology. In the upper right are the right-realist judges, who override the law and decide based on right-wing ideology. At the bottom of the chart are the formalist judges, who decide on the basis of texts, structure, history, and precedent. Let us assume that even a judge who is perfectly formalist in intention will be unable to fully compensate for unconcious biases introduced by ideology. Thus, although right formalists and left formalists may agree most of the time, there will be some issues on which they will decide differently because they are unable to completely compensate for their ideological biases, preconceptions, and assumptions.
    How Would Selectors Rate Candidates? Given our simple two dimensional model, how would judicial selectors (Presidents and Senators) rate candidates? This is a complex question, because selectors themselves may vary in both political ideology and judicial philosophy. For the purposes of model building, let's assume a simplified picture. Let's assume that to make an appointment, you need to get the agreement of two players: a right-wing President and a unitary left-wing Senate. (This obviously oversimplifies, because in current circumstances the Senate has a right-wing majority and a left-wing minority with veto power--unless the filibuster rule is changed.) How would they evaluate candidates? Consider each in turn:
      --The President. Let's assume that if you are the right-wing President, you will only be willing to accept realist judges if they are on the extreme right of the political ideology line. As judges become more formalist, you become less concerned with their ideology. That is, the line that defines the set of candidates that are acceptable to the President slopes downward and to the left.
      --The Senate. Now assume you are the Senate (or to be more realistic, the Senate minority with a filibuster-enabled veto). You will be willing to accept realist judges only if they are on the extreme left of the ideology line. As judges become more formalist, you are willing to accept progressively less left-wing ideologies. That is, the line the defines the set of candidates that are acceptable to the Senate slopes downward and to right.
    We can represent these two acceptability curves as follows:
      * = acceptability curve for left judicial selector. # = acceptability curve for right judicial selector
      ___________________Acceptability Frontiers for President & Senate
      __Realist1| ________13|_____*______________________________________________________________________# ________14| ________15| ________16|_______*__________________________________________________________________# ________17| ________18| ________19|__________*____________________________________________________________# ________20| ________21| ________22|_____________*______________________________________________________# ________23| ________24| ________25|_________________*______________________________________________# ________26| ________27| ________28|_____________________*______________________________________# ________29| ________30| ________31|__________________________*______________________________# ________32| ________33| ________34|_______________________________*____________________# ________35| ________36| ________37|_______________________________________*____# ________38| ________39| ________40|__________________________________#____________* ________41| ________42| ________43|_______________________#_________________________________* Formalist_________________________________________________________________________________ __________Left_______________________________________________________________________Right __________12345678901234567890123456789012345678901234567890123456789012345678901234567890.
    Imagine a red line connecting the red * and a blue line connecting the blue #. The area beneath the red line represents the candidates who are acceptable to the Senate (or the Senate Minority with a filibuster veto over nominations). The area beneath blue line represents the candidates who are acceptable to the President. These two areas intersect in an area resembling a pyramid in the lower-middle region. These canidates are acceptable to both parties and we would expect their confirmation. Call this region the confirmation zone. Thus, the simple mode yields two conclusions (predictions if you like), which we can state as follows:
      --Conclusion One: Ceteris paribus, canidates inside the confirmation zone who are nominated by the President will be confirmed by the Senate.
      --Conclusion Two: Ceteris paribus, canidates outside the confirmation zone who are nominated by the President will notbe confirmed by the Senate.
    Of course, these are only ceteris paribus conclusions. All else may not be equal. The Senate might confirm nominees outside the confirmation zone in exchange for some other political favor; the President might nominate from the area to the left of the red Presidential acceptability line for similar reasons. Likewise, the Senate might reject a nominee inside the confirmation zone as a strategic ploy or as retaliation for some other political action.
    Who Will Be Selected From Within the Confirmation Zone? Given our model, we would expect the President to nominate from inside the confirmation zone. Let me translate. Given our model, we would expect a right wing President to nominate candidates whose political ideology is relatively moderate and who are relatively formalist. Of course, there is a possibility that the Senate (or Senate minority with a filibuster veto) would reject candidates inside the confirmation zone. Why, because both the President and Senate will preferences inside the zone. To simplify, let's assume that on any given horizontal line (i.e. for any given level of formalism), the President prefers those to the right and the Senate prefers those to the left. Consider the following example. We have two candidates C1 and C2, who are identical with respect to their judicial philosophy score, but different with respect to their political ideology score--C1 is to the left of C2. This situation can be represented in the following diagram, which cuts off the acceptability curves above the confirmation zone:
________37|_______________________________________*____# ________38| ________39| ________40|__________________________________#____________* ________41| ________42|________________________________C1_______________C2 ________43|_______________________#_________________________________* Formalist_________________________________________________________________________________ __________Left_______________________________________________________________________Right __________12345678901234567890123456789012345678901234567890123456789012345678901234567890.
    The President prefers C2 to C1, whereas the Senate (or Senate minority) has the inverse preference structure. This looks like a possible prisoner's dilemma. If it were a one shot game, the President might nominate C2, but the Senate (or Senate minority) might refuse to confirm. In the real world, the judicial confirmation process is more like an iterative game where the parties take turns assuming the various roles (President, Senate Majority, Senate Minority). Moreover, the confirmation game interacts with other political events. Given this iterative and interactive structure, there might be any number of stable medium-to-long term equilibria in the confirmation game. One possibility is that as the first mover, the President would have the advantage and the Senate would confirm candidates so long as the President nominates from within the confirmation zone. Another possibility is that the mean ideology score of confirmed judges would equal some value, with candidates from the left of the zone being traded off for candidates from the right of the zone. There are many other possible equilibria--but the two I have identified can serve as illustrative examples.
    Back to the Real World So how does all this relate to Brian Anderson's comments about Senator Schumer? Anderson's suggestion is that there is an asymmetry between the way Republicans and Democrats view judicial philosphy. Essentially, Anderson suggests that Democrats want left-realist judges and Republicans want right-formalist judges. But this is a partisan reading of recent events. Although Republicans favor formalism on some issues, e.g. the unenumerate liberty or privacy rights that undergird Roe v. Wade and Lawrence v. Texas, Republicans may prefer less formalist approaches to other issues, e.g. the constitutional sovereign immunity jurisprudence that seems to go far beyond the text of the 11th Amendment. Nonetheless, there is something to Anderson's point, reflected in the fact that in the legal academy and on the bench, originalists have tended to be conservative and nonoriginalists liberal.
    As frequent readers of this blog know, I have been arguing for some time that the best way out of the current downward spiral of politicization that affects both the bench and the judicial selection process is for both sides to take a long-run view of the benefits of the rule of law and the costs of politicization. But Anderson's characterization of the problem is correct, then that solution is unavailable. Why? Because Anderson's argument seems to be that restoration of the rule of law is not in the interests of the left. I disagree, in part because I believe that a doctrine strong stare decisis is part of the best formalist theory of judging, but this post has already gone on too long, and that is a topic for another day.
    And for more on Anderson, check out this post by Brett Marston.
    Update: And this post from C.E. Petit on Scrivener's Error.


 
Legal Theory Lexicon: Second Best
    Introduction The post provides a very basic introduction to the idea of "second best" for law students (especially first-year law students) with an interest in legal theory. The term "second best" originated in a famous 1956 article by Lipsey and Lancaster (see bibliography), and it was originally used as a technical economic concept. Despite its technical origins, the idea behind the second best is very general: sometimes the ideal solution to a problem (or optimal policy) is infeasible. The best should not be the enemy of the good; so, when the first-best policy option is unavailable, then legal theorists should consider second-best solutions. In this post, we will take a hard look at the idea of the second best, beginning with a statement of the intuitive idea and then looking at the more formal idea of the second best in its original economic context.
    The Intuitive Idea The intuition behind the idea of the second best is simple. We would like to have the best possible legal system. But sometimes the best legal policies are not in the cards; that is, the best policy may be impractical. Why? In legal theory, one common reason that we cannot adopt the best policy is politics. Given the political forces that operate, the best campaign finance system may be pie in the sky. So we ask the question, of those systems that might be politically feasible, which is the "second best"? Although I've introduced the intuitive idea by talking about "political feasibility," the idea of the second best is more general than that. First-best solutions may be unavailable because of a variety of constraints, of which politics is only one. The intuitive idea of the second best is a bit broader and less technical than the way economists define "second best," so let's turn to that now.
    The Second Best in Economics Let's move from the intuitive idea of the second best to the origins of that idea in economic theory. The very general idea of the economic theory of the second best can be expressed as follows:
      Assume a system with multiple variables. Take the most desirable state the whole system could assume and the associated values that all of the variables must assume to produce this state: call this condition, the first-best state of the system and call the associated values of the variables, the first-best values. Now assume that one variable will not (or cannot) assume the value necessary for the first-best state of the whole system: call this the constrained variable. Holding the constrained variable constant, consider the most desirable state the whole system could then assume and the associated values that all the nonconstrained variables must assume to produce this state: call this the second-best state of the system. There are systems in which achieving the second-best state will require that at least one variable other than the constrained variable must assume a value other than the first-best value: call these value(s) the second-best value(s).
    And here is the way that Lipsey and Lancaster formulated the idea:
      [I]f there is introduced into a general equilibrium system a constraint which prevents the attainment of one of the Paretian conditions, the other Paretian conditions, though still attainable, are in general, not desirable.
    (If "Paretian" is unfamiliar to you, either ignore that term or click here.) Lipsey and Lancaster are making a normative argument. They assert that if one variable is constrained and cannot assume its first-best value, then "in general" other variables should not assume their first-best values. The "in general" qualification is important. Lipsey and Steiner didn't and couldn't show that it is always (or necessarily) the case that constraint of one variable affects the most desirable value for other variables. Rather, their proof shows that this is possible. In the real world, whether nonconstrained variable should depart from their first-best variables depends entirely on the facts. In fact, if a policymaker lacks certain information about the second-best variables, it may turn out that the real world policy that will produce the best result is to try to move the constrained variable as close as possible to its optimal state, leaving the second-best variables in their first-best states. The possibility was called the "third best" by Ng (see bibliography below).
    One or two additional points are necessary to complete the technical story. First, the definition that I just gave assumes that only one variable is constrained. But there is no reason to limit the theory of the second best in this way, more than one variable may be constrained. In fact, in theory every variable could be constrained: in this limiting case, the second-best state would be the only possible state of the system. Second, the second best is usually understood as relative to a constrained variable. We could use the phrase "second best" to refer to the second-best state the system could assume if all the variables were unconstrained, but this is not the way that Lipsey and Lancaster used that phrase.
    Finally, there is an important difference between the way economists understand "second best" and the way the same phrase is understood by noneconomists. What was interesting and powerful about Lipsey and Lancaster's proof is that it produced the counterintuitive result that sometimes when one variable is constrained, the best policy choice will involve moving other variables away from their first-best values. Although technically, the definition of second best need not be limited to that special situation, that is the interesting result, and the use of the theory of the second best in economics may be limited to the special case. Outside of economics, however, the phrase "second best" tends to be used in a much looser sense. The important thing is not the terminology, but the ideas. To be clear, however, it is useful to explain what you mean by second best!
    The Second Best and Nonideal Theory The idea of the second best that is used by economists is analogous to a distinction made famous by the political philosopher, John Rawls. Rawls distinguished between two ways of approaching political philosophy, ideal and nonideal theory. In ideal theory, we assume compliance with the normative requirements of our theory. Rawls used the phrase "well-ordered society" to refer to the situation that obtains in ideal theory. In a society that is well ordered by Rawls's principles of justice, citizens actually would be guaranteed a fully adequate scheme of basic liberties and the basic structure would actually work to the advantage of the least well off group in society. In nonideal theory, we relax the assumption that the society is well ordered by the principles of justice. Can you make that very abstract description more concrete? Yes, here is a really good example. In a society that is well-ordered by Rawls's principles of justice, we might assume that if there are local governmental units, they will comply with the restraints imposed by the freedom of speech. But in the real world, local governments might be more susceptible to political pressure to suppress unpopular speech than would be the central government (i.e. the national government in Washington, D.C., in the case of the United States). So, in the real world of nonideal theory, we might be very considered with constraining the jurisdiction and powers of local governments; whereas, this issue may not even arise in the case of ideal theory.
    Pinpointing the Constrained Variable The notion of the second best and the related idea of nonideal theory get tossed around quite a lot in legal theory, but sometimes these terms are used carelessly or without precision. Whenever you hear or read the term "second best," ask yourself the question, "Which variable is constrained, and why is it constrained?" Because the "second best" is second best relative to a constrained variable, use of the concept of the second best doesn't mean anything unless and until the constrained variable is specified. Moreover, it is sometimes very important to know why the constrained variable is constrained. This is because it is easy to construct an argument for a second-best policy option that uses a double standard with respect to whether variables should be considered to be constrained. Here is a simple example:
      Suppose our problem is racial justice with respect to the distribution of income and resources. Someone might make the case for reparations (a one time payment of a compensatory amount to descendents of the former slaves) on the ground that reparations are the second-best solution. The first-best solution would be a just economic order in which market mechanisms operate in a nondiscriminatory fashion to allocate income and wealth according to just criteria. (For this purpose, we don't need to specify what the just criteria are.) But the first-best solution is unavailable, because a just economic order is politically infeasible. Therefore, we ought to support reparations, which is the second-best policy.
    So far, so good. But notice that there is a hidden assumption in this argument. The argument assumes that reparations are politically feasible. If this assumption is incorrect (which it may well be as an empirical matter), then it follows that the argument for reparations as the preferred second-best solution is fallacious. Of course, one can deploy double standards with respect to which variables are constrained (or which options are infeasible) so long as the double standard is made clear. But when the double standard is concealed and the argument is made in the context of policy evaluation, then we have either an innocent mistake or an attempt at manipulation.
    The Feasible Choice Set Another way of approaching the general problem revealed by the theory of the second best is via the notion of the feasible choice set. Take all of the possible legal policy options with respect to a particular legal problem. Then lay out a set of well-defined criteria for feasibility. Apply the criteria to the set, sorting the options into the feasible choice set and the infeasible choice set. Practical policy discussion will usually be limited to the options within the feasible choice set, but legal theory is not limited to the practical. Frequently we can learn something important by considering options that are outside the feasible choice set. For example, a rule of strict liability might turn out to be the optimal rule of tort law. It could also turn out that strict liability regimes are politically infeasible--perhaps because the fault-based social norms are very strongly held. But that fact should not preclude legal theorists from examining the merits of strict liability regimes. Not only may such an examination be of intrinsic interest, but the insights gleaned from such an examination may well assist in the evaluation of the options that are within the feasible choice set.
    The Bottom Line The notion of the second best, the distinction between ideal and nonideal theory, and the idea of the feasible choice set, are all essential tools for a legal theorist. As a first year student, you are likely to encounter these ideas in classroom discussion or in law review articles assigned as ancillary reading. The trick to mastering these concepts and using them effectively is to identify the constrained variable (or the nonideal conditions). Once you've done that, you can move to the next step, which is the question, "What criteria are used to identify the constrained variables?" And if you can answer that question, you are now in a position to respond in an intelligent and sophisticated way to applications of the theory of the second best!
    Bibliography & Links And for a complete collection of all the Legal Theory Lexicon posts, click here.


 
Legal Theory Calendar
    Monday, November 24 Tuesday, November 25
      At George Mason's Philosophy, Politics, and Economics series, Paul Gregory (Economics, University of Houston) presents The Political Economy of Stalinism.
      At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Melanie Williams, presents Then and Now: The Natural/Positivist Nexus at War - Auden’s “September 1, 1939”
      At Oxford's IP Seminar, Graham Dutfield presents Harmonising Patent Law? A Lesson from the 19th Century Dyestuff Industry.
      At Oxford's Ockham Society, Rory Madden (Oxford) presents Agent Identity and the Structure of Intention.
    Wednesday, November 26
      At University College, London, Brian Barry (Columbia) presents Utilitarianism and Human Rights?
    Thursday, November 27 Friday, November 28
      At the Cambridge Forum for Legal & Political Philosophy, G.A. Cohen (All Souls College, Oxford) presents Casting the First Stone: Who Can and Who Can't Blame the Terrorists.
      At Oxford's Human Rights Discussion Group, Ben Saul presents Torturing Terrorists after September 11: Dershowitz` Torture Warrant
      At Oxford's Institute of European and Comparative Law Seminar Series, Ulf Bernitz presents Convergence of European and National Competition Law: How Far Will it Go?.
      At the University of Bristol, David Papineau (King's College, London) presents Genes and Culture.


Saturday, November 22, 2003
 
Will certiorari be granted in Silveira v. Lockyer? Read this report on Law.com. Here is a taste:
    [S]ome advocates of gun rights are hoping the Supreme Court will finally bite the bullet and grant review in Silveira v. Lockyer, No. 03-51, a challenge to California's strict 1999 assault weapon ban. The case is one of dozens the justices are set to discuss at their private conference Wednesday. A decision by the Court whether to grant review could be announced as soon as Dec. 1. The Court also meets in conference Dec. 5. The Silveira case, brought by a group of "California gentlemen," according to their brief, asks the Court to reverse a December 2002 ruling by the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that upheld the state law, first enacted in 1989 and broadened in 1999. In an extensive section of the ruling on the Second Amendment, Judge Stephen Reinhardt found the amendment "does not establish an individual right to own or possess firearms for personal or other use." Reinhardt's liberal rulings are often scrutinized and reversed by the Court. When the 9th Circuit was asked to review the ruling en banc, the majority said no -- and four judges wrote dissents to that decision


 
And speaking of Bashman . . . . . . here is his choice for funniest law student blog.


 
Three Million for Howard Bashman Congratulations to Howard Bashman on three million hits on How Appealing--one of my favorite blogs and a valuable and much used resource. Thank you Howard!


 
Froomkin on the End of the Semester Law students and teachers will want to read Michael Froomkin's musings on semester's end.


 
Download of the Week This week, I am especially enthusiastic in my recommendation of the Download of the Week. That's because this week's recommendation is something truly special--a magnificent two part article by Gerald J. Postema (University of North Carolina - Philosophy and Law): Classical Common Law Jurisprudence (Part 1) & Classical Common Law Jurisprudence (Part 2) on SSRN. Both parts are forthcoming in the Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 155-180, Spring 2003 & Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 1-28, Summer 2003. Here are the abstracts:
    The classical conception of law, articulated by seventeenth century common law jurists like Sir Edward Coke and Sir Matthew Hale, drew inspiration from earlier natural law sources, but also reflected dominant features of native common law practice and the special political pressures to which it was subjected in that turbulent period of English history. Common law jurisprudence, even in its heyday, had not matured into a full-fledged philosophical theory of law, but a number of important notions to which common law jurist gave complex and conflicting expression influenced orthodox understanding of English (and later American) legal practice for centuries thereafter. This essay offers a partial philosophical reconstruction of the classical common law conception. It is meant not as a contribution to legal history, but rather as a systematic articulation of the conception worthy of careful attention of latter-day legal theorists. The essay is in two parts. Part I opens with a sketch of the historical roots of the common law, and then isolates in broad strokes the main themes or issues debated by common law. Common law jurists agreed that law was to be understood as "reasonable usage." For many common lawyers this involved both common custom and common reason, but these notions were as contested as they were central to the common law mind. They were also thought to be interdependent: custom was always subject to the test of reason, but reason was embodied in the common practices of law. The relations and conflicts between these two notions are explored as well as the connection between the common law notion of common "artificial" reason or and traditional notions of natural law and natural reason.
and Part II:
    This, the second Part of a two-part essay, offers a partial philosophical reconstruction of the seventeenth century common law conception of law. Part I identified two notions on which the conception was based: common custom and common reason. The interdependence of these two notions is most evident in the pivotal idea of the "artificial reason" of the trained common lawyer. Part II of this essay undertakes to articulate and explore the seventeenth century understanding of the nature of "artificial reason." It is argued that it had less to do with the expertise of an elite than with a view of a special discipline of practical reasoning in which the public, discoursive, and forensic context of its exercise is essential for its claim to authority. It is argued that the reason of the common law was "artificial" not in the sense of being professional or elite, but in the sense of being experienced and social. "Artificial Reason" was the product of reflective, public-spirited practical experience, as opposed to untutored individual intuition or a natural capacity for deductive reasoning exercised in abstraction from the concrete details of ordinary life. Against the background of this understanding of the reason of the common law, the notion of binding precedent and its relationship to Parliamentary legislation is discussed. The essay closes with a consideration of the normative foundations of common law and speculates on how natural law views about God as the source of law's authority was reconciled with a basically non-voluntarist concept of law. The essay maintains that, despite its many variations, the constant theme in classical common law jurisprudence is the idea of law rooted in a disciplined practice of public practical reasoning, maintaining a substantial congruence (but not identity) with the thick texture of the ordinary life and affairs of people in the political community.
Postema has done more than anyone I know to provide a rich account of the internal perspective of common law judges about their enterprise. Download it while its hot!


 
Legal Theory Bookworm This week, the Legal Theory Bookworm recommends Robert Alexy's The Argument from Injustice: A Reply to Legal Positivism (another link to the Oxford University Press page is here). Alexy is one of the most interesting and important legal theorists working today, and is perhaps the best-kinown representative of the an approach to jurisprudence that draws on the work of the German philosopher and social theorist, Jurge Habermas. If you want to get a lively sense of state-of-the-art continental legal philosophy, Alexy's most recent book, which addresses the "What is law?" question is a very good place to start. Here is the publisher's abstract:
    At the heart of this book is the age-old question of how law and morality are related. The legal positivist, insisting on the separation of the two, explicates the concept of law independently of morality. The author challenges this view, arguing that there are, first, conceptually necessary connections between law and morality and, second, normative reasons for including moral elements in the concept of law. While the conceptual argument alone is too limited to establish a sufficiently strong connection between law and morality, and the normative argument alone fails to address the nature of law, the two arguments together support a nonpositivistic concept of law, toppling legal positivism qua comprehensive theory of law.
And here is a short excerpt (which I inputted by hand & therefore may contain a typo or two):
    The question is this: which concept of law is correct or adequate? An answer to the question turns on the relation of three elements to one another--authoritative issuance, social efficacy, and correctness of content. Altogether different concepts of law emerge according to how the relative significance of these elements is assessed. Attaching no significance whatsoever to authoritative issuance and social efficacy, focusing exclusively on correctness of content, one arrives at a concept of law purely reflective of natural law or the law of reason. One arrives at a purely positivistic concept of law by ruling out correctness of content altogether and staking everything on authoritative issuance and/or social efficacy. Between these extremes, many intermediate forms are possible.
    The tripartite division indicates that positivism has two defining elements. A positivism must exclude the elment of correctness of content, but then can define in many different ways the relation between the elements of authoritative issuance and social efficacy, giving rise to numerous variations of legal postivism.
Alexy rejects a basic assumption that is shared by many legal theorists who work in the tradition of Anglo-American analytic jurisprudence: Alexy assumes that the criteria for the best conception of law are not exclusively conceptual--that is, Alexy believes that both normative and empirical considerations bear on the debate between natural law and legal positivism and on the debates within positivism and natural law as to which particular theories within these broad families is best. Although Alexy's prose (even in this excellent translation) may be unfamiliar in style to many Anglophone readers, his arguments are both clear and well-organized. Highly recommended!


 
Cybersecurity, Research and Disclosure at Stanford
    The Cybersecurity, Research and Disclosure Conference is a day-long, highly interactive exploration of the relationship between computer security, privacy, and disclosure of information about security vulnerabilities. Experts from government, industry and academia will gather to debate the ways in which vendors, customers, government, researchers and consumers can better promote vulnerability research, computer security and consumer privacy. Confirmed speakers include:
      Matt Blaze, AT&T Mary Ann Davidson, Oracle David L. Dill, Professor of Computer Science, Stanford University James Duncan, Cisco Gerhard Eschelbeck, Qualys Stephanie Fohn, Consultant Tiina Havana, Oulu University Secure Programming Group (OUSPG), Finland Shawn Hernan, CERT Steven B. Lipner, Microsoft David Litchfield, NGSSoftware Simple Nomad, NMRC, Bindview Len Sassaman, Anonymizer Bruce Schneier, Counterpane Peter P. Swire, Professor of Law at Ohio State University Hal Varian, Professor, University of California, Berkeley Vincent Weafer, Symantec Stephen Wu, InfoSec Law Group Chris Wysopal, @stake
    Conference website: http://cyberlaw.stanford.edu/security


Friday, November 21, 2003
 
Northup on Lessig Peter Northup reports on Larry Lessig's talk yesterday at NYU. Thank you! And Larry Lessig adds his thanks for the blogging here!


 
Applbaum on Legitimacy at Kadish At Berkeley's marvelous Kadish series, Arthur Applbaum (Professor of Ethics and Public Policy, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University) presents Legitimacy in a Bastard Kingdom. I blogged an earlier version of this paper that Applbaum delivered at Yale in the Spring. Marvelous paper!


 
Rorty on "Guess What?" at North Carolina At the University of North Carolina, Philosophy series, Richard Rorty presents Putnam, Pragmatism, and Parmenides.


 
Philosophy for Food Seriously, for three pounds, you can see A C Grayling speak on Enlightenment and Counter-Enlightenment, Then and Now, at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London.


 
Papineau on Cultural Evolution at RIP David Papineau presents Cultural and Biological Evolution at the Royal Institute of Philosophy in London.


 
Duster on the Miner's Canary at Texas At the University of Texas, Troy Duster (NYU), David Chambers (Michigan) and Eric Tang (CAAAV) present The Miner's Canary.


 
Mutual on Leviathan at Buffalo At SUNY Buffalo, Makau Mutua (UB) presents Taming Leviathan.


 
IP & the Life Sciences at ANU At the Australian National University, a conference entitled Intellectual Property & the Life Sciences: Agriculture, Health & Trade happens today.


 
Conference Today at Brooklyn: The New Federalism
    Our New Federalism? National Authority and Local Autonomy in the War on Terror The David G.Trager Public Policy Symposium Brooklyn Law School Friday November 21, 2003 In a series of cases decided before 2001, the Supreme Court set out rules prohibiting the federal government from "commandeering" local law enforcement officials but allowing the federal government to preempt certain laws that thwart national interests. How do these constitutional limitations apply to federal agents engaged in the war against terrorism and to local officials who are resisting what they believe to be federal government overreaching? This symposium assembles a group of distinguished scholars and practitioners with diverse perspectives to discuss and debate issues arising out of the clash between principles of federalism and the war on terror. For example, may the federal government preempt local laws 1) requiring disclosure of the identity of federal detainees in a local jail, 2) prohibiting local agencies from ascertaining or disclosing the immigration status of people who seek their services, or 3) prohibiting law enforcement infiltration of religious or political organizations? May the federal government compel a local Chief of Police to conduct interrogations of local Arab and Muslim men on behalf of the FBI, or to enforce federal immigration law? And when state or local officials voluntarily cooperate with federal authorities, do federalism concerns still exist? The forum is named for Brooklyn Law School's former Dean, now U.S. District Judge David G. Trager. For a schedule of speakers and topics, please click on the "for information" link below to download a PDF of the symposium brochure. Participants will include Ann Althouse (Wisconsin), Vikram Amar (Hastings), Erwin Chemerinsky (USC), and Paul Finkelman (Tulsa), who will present back ground papers in the morning, and Vicki Jackson (Georgetown), Jason Mazzone (Brooklyn), Burt Neuborne (NYU), Ernie Young (Texas), commenting on the presentations. The afternoon roundtable, moderated by Susan Herman (Brooklyn), will include the participants previously listed, joined by Lucas Guttentag (ACLU Immigrants Rights Project), Arnold Howitt (Kennedy School of Government, Taubman Center), Elizabeth Rindskopf Parker (Dean, McGeorge, former counsel to the CIA), Judith Resnik (Yale), and Judge David G. Trager. Papers presented at the symposium will be published in a forthcoming issue of the Brooklyn Law Review . CLE credit available. Register online for the symposium at http://www.brooklaw.edu/rsvp/ For the symposium brochure, visit http://www.brooklaw.edu/news/homepage_news/trager_symposium2003.php For more information contact the Special Events Office: (718) 780-7966


 
Bryant on the 13th Amendment Christopher Bryant (University of Cincinnati - College of Law) posts Stopping Time: The Pro-Slavery and "Irrevocable" Thirteenth Amendment (Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, Vol. 26, No. 2, p. 501, Spring 2003) on SSRN. Here is the absttract:
    In the post-secession winter of 1861, both Houses of Congress approved a proposed thirteenth amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Three northern States even ratified the proposal before the Civil War intervened. That version of the thirteenth amendment, introduced in the House by Representative Thomas Corwin of Ohio, purported to prohibit any future amendment granting Congress power to interfere with slavery in the States. The Congressional Globe volumes for the winter 1861 legislative session include rich debates about whether the amending power could be used to limit future exercise of that same authority. Those forgotten debates offer significant insights for modern controversies about the exclusivity of, and limitations on, the extraordinary power granted in Article V of the U.S. Constitution. Recent years have witnessed an outpouring of academic writing on the amending power. Salient examples of this scholarship are the works of Yale Law School Professors Bruce Ackerman and Akhil Amar, who have raised distinct challenges to the claim that Article V constitutes the sole legitimate means for constitutional revision. Their imaginative and controversial work has in turn prompted vigorous debate among constitutional scholars, political scientists, and historians about the role Article V can and should play in our constitutional order. As voluminous as the recent Article V scholarship has been, at least one fundamental question has gone virtually unnoticed: what, if anything, prevents or limits the use of Article V to make procedural or substantive changes to the amending power itself? This question, which presents problems of the greatest theoretical difficulty, was posed starkly by Mr. Corwin's 1861 proposal. This article uses that Civil War-era proposal as a lens through which to study the tension between the claim that Article V articulates the exclusive procedure by which the Constitution may be amended and our nation's historical commitment to the ideal that the people are sovereign. Revisiting the long-forgotten Corwin Amendment illuminates current debates about the legal and political theory by which the U.S. Constitution can set forth the sole means for its revision. By understanding why the Corwin Amendment would have failed in its stated purpose (because a subsequent Article V amendment would have been sufficient to repeal it and grant Congress power over slavery), we discover certain fundamental constitutional principles. Those principles, important in their own right, also raise novel questions concerning the contemporary claims of Professors Ackerman and Amar that Article V cannot be the exclusive procedure for legitimate constitutional change.


 
Tsai on Cognitive Constitutionalism Robert L. Tsai (University of Oregon - School of Law) has posted Cognitive Constitutionalism: Speech and Strife (Law & Contemporary Problems, Vol. 67, 2004) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The essay strives for a better understanding of the myths, symbols, categories of power, and images deployed by the Supreme Court to signal how we ought to think about its authority. Taking examples from free speech jurisprudence, the essay proceeds in three steps. First, I argue that the First Amendment constitutes a deep source of cultural authority for the Court. As a result, linguistic and doctrinal innovation in the free speech area have been at least as bold and imaginative as that in areas like the Commerce Clause. Second, in turning to cognitive theory, I distinguish between formal legal argumentation and informal deployment of images, metaphors, scripts and frames of understanding. Third, I examine the frame of institutional conflict, an especially powerful rhetorical strategy that appears not only in federalism cases, but also in speech cases. Finally, I examine the psychological dimension of this language device, the underlying script that is played out when the frame is invoked in our minds, and the relationship between the metaphor of conflict and enduring cognitive ideals.


 
Feibelman on Sovereign Immunity and Bankruptcy Adam Feibelman (University of Cincinnati - College of Law) presents Federal Bankruptcy Law and State Sovereign Immunity (Texas Law Review, Vol. 81, No. 6, May 2003) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Under current legal doctrine, states have successfully asserted sovereign immunity from a variety of important bankruptcy provisions. Numerous commentators have argued that states undermine fundamental objectives of bankruptcy law by asserting immunity from bankruptcy actions. This article argues that, for the most part, sovereign immunity is consistent with basic bankruptcy policies. Bankruptcy law already reflects the fact that governmental units are not like private creditors by granting governmental units various priorities and regulatory exceptions. Because current bankruptcy law generally enforces non-bankruptcy property rights and entitlements, states can also largely determine their own priorities and privileges in bankruptcy by defining their entitlements under state law. Finally, to the extent that bankruptcy law should advance redistributive policies or protect non-ownership interests, it should defer to governmental entities, which are uniquely positioned to redistribute wealth and to protect the public good. It is true that state governments may undermine the goals of bankruptcy law if they impose unnecessary administrative costs on debtors' estates or if they refuse to follow important procedural bankruptcy rules. However, state governments will suffer political and/or economic costs of engaging in such behavior. Congress, in contrast, does not suffer the full cost of exposing state governmental units to bankruptcy actions. If states can assert or waive immunity from bankruptcy actions, they should strike a better balance between bankruptcy law and states' regulatory responsibilities than the current balance of these interests under the Bankruptcy Code.


 
Hamdani on Gatekeeper Liability Assaf Hamdani (Harvard Law School) has posted Gatekeeper Liability (Southern California Law Review, Vol. 77, 2004) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The recent crisis in the wake of the Enron debacle has demonstrated the importance of enlisting gatekeepers - such as accountants, underwriters, and lawyers - to prevent corporate fraud. But while a consensus may exist over the basic need to expand liability to gatekeepers, little is known about the appropriate scope of such liability. Going beyond the capital market context, this Article develops a framework to determine the scope of gatekeeper liability for client misconduct. Specifically, the Article analyzes the fundamental tradeoff between the potentially adverse impact of gatekeeper liability on relevant markets and the incentives such liability provides for gatekeepers to foil wrongdoing. Expanding the scope of their liability will make gatekeepers increase the price of their services to reflect their liability exposure. Although initially appealing as a means to screen out wrongdoers, this price increase may turn out to have adverse consequences when clients vary with respect to their wrongful intentions: Rather than screen out wrongdoers, gatekeeper liability may drive out only law-abiding clients. Enhanced liability, however, will also induce gatekeepers to monitor clients and prevent them from committing misconduct. The Article explores the policy implications of this analysis for determining which third parties should face gatekeeper liability, identifying the adequate scope of gatekeeper liability, and recognizing the shortcomings of gatekeeper liability as an instrument of social policy. The Article concludes by putting forward a tentative outline of the proper regime of gatekeeper liability for securities fraud.


 
Leiter & the Curmudgeonly One on Legal Realism Brian Leiter responds to a post by the Curmudgeon Clerk that includes the following argument: "The interaction between a judge's ideology and these preexisting legal doctrines is doubtless complex; however, if it is true that the former sometimes overbears the latter, it is equally true that the latter often constrains the former." Leiter replies:
    This misconceives the relationship, however, between doctrine and political ideology, at least as it figures in the legal realist thesis. For any plausible realist thesis about the indeterminacy of legal reasoning is the thesis that legal reasons underdetermine the legal decision in many appellate cases, i.e., the legal reasons circumscribe the range of legally defensible outcomes, but without requiring any one of them over all the others. Which is to say, in the Clerk's terms, that the doctrine, according to realism, always "constrains" the decision.
Leiter has the underdeterminacy point exactly right. (For lot's more on the distinction between indeterminacy and underdeterminacy of law, you might take a look at this.) Leiter goes on to elaborate:
    But constraint is not enough. The structure of the realist argument is that we face an explanatory gap in looking at a court's decision when,
      (a) the legal reasons underdetermine the decision, but
      (b) the court reaches (necessarily) one and only one decision from among those that the legal reasons would support.
    The gap is filled by appeal to (complications aside) "political ideology."
Well, the gap is filled by something, but it is not necessarily the case that what fills the gap is "political ideology." Leiter, of course, would be the first to admit that the gap may be filled by norms would be more fairly characterized as moral or institutional than as "political." But the question raised by Leiter's argument is deeper and more interesting than that. One aspect of this question concerns the extent to which the law itself can narrow the gap between rules and decisions. So, for example, a theory of statutory interpretation that allows judges to go straight to policy whenever a statute admits of ambiguity creates a rather largish gap to be filled and explicitly invites ideological considerations as gap filling reasons. But there are alternatives. Consider, for example, a theory of statutory interpretation that requires judges to follow precedent, look to the text when the precedents leave a gap, look to the purposes of the statute insofar as they can be gleaned from the historical context when both precedent and text leave a gap, and then to appeal to a set of legally defined default rules when a gap remains. This sort of theory may substantially narrow the gap faced by judges, and hence constrain the extent to which judges may bring ideology to bear. Another aspect of the question raised by Leiter's point is conceptual: what kinds of gap fillers may properly be called "legal reasons" and which must be categorized as "extra-legal reasons." And that question in turn depends on positions taken in the what-is-law debate. Read Leiter and the Curmudgeonly One.


 
Moral Epistemology at Edinburgh
    Moral Epistemology Conference, held at the University of Edinburgh on November 21 and 22. Details below. All welcome. FRIDAY 21 NOVEMBER Location The conference will be held in the Conference Room, David Hume Tower, George Square, University of Edinburgh. 3:00-4:30 Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, "Intuitionism Meets Empirical Psychology" 4:30-5:00 Break 5:00-6:30 Ralph Wedgwood, "Normative Knowledge" 6:30-8:30 Dinner SATURDAY 22 NOVEMBER 9:30-11:00 Michael Ridge, "From Moral Knowledge to Moral Principles" (co-authored with Sean McKeever) 11:00-11:30 Break 11:30-1:00 Nancy Sherman, "The Look and Feel of Virtue" 1:00-2:30 Lunch 2:30-4:00 Jonathan Dancy, "Knowing Reasons" 4:00-4:30 Break 4:30-6:00 John Skorupski, "Propositions about Reasons" 6:00-8:00 Dinner Dr. Michael Ridge Department of Philosophy University of Edinburgh David Hume Tower, George Square Edinburgh, EH8 9JX United Kingdom ph: +44 (0)131 650 3657 email: mridge@staffmail.ed.ac.uk website: www.michaelridge.com


Thursday, November 20, 2003
 
Mazzone on Too Much Copyrighting Check out Jason Mazzone's op/ed in the Legal Times, available at this link. Here is a taste:
    Recent surveys suggest that Americans have lost respect for copyright laws and believe they are free to use the original work of others without proper credit or payment. But teenagers who illegally download music or who cut and paste term-paper material from Web sites are not the worst copyright cheats. Corporations routinely flout copyright laws when they claim ownership of works that are free for everyone to use. These false claims undermine free speech, weaken copyright protections, and fuel cavalier attitudes toward intellectual property. False claims to copyright are everywhere. Copyright belongs to the author of a work and expires 70 years after the author’s death. Yet copyright notices appear on modern reprints of Shakespeare’s plays, Beethoven piano scores, and greeting card versions of Monet’s water lilies. Corporations that sell to libraries microfilmed versions of early newspapers and other documents too old to be copyrighted routinely attach a copyright notice to their products.


 
Green on Locke and Auxiliary Rights Michael Steven Green (George Mason University - School of Law) has posted The Paradox of Auxiliary Rights: The Privilege Against Self-Incrimination and the Right to Keep and Bear Arms on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    According to Locke's theory of the social contract, which was widely accepted by the Founders, political authority is limited by those natural moral rights that individuals reserve against the government. In this Article, I argue that Locke's theory generates paradoxical conclusions concerning the government's authority over civil disobedients, that is, people who resist the government because they believe it is violating reserved moral rights. If the government lacks the authority to compel the civil disobedient to abide by its laws, the result is anarchism: The limits on governmental authority are whatever each individual says they are. If the government has this authority, the result is authoritarianism: The limits on governmental authority are whatever the government says they are. Both conclusions are unacceptable. Because of the Lockean paradox, auxiliary constitutional rights, whose purpose is to protect civil disobedience, are likewise paradoxical. I argue that the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination and the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms are examples of auxiliary rights, and I use the Lockean paradox to explain the intractable nature of the debates over whether these two rights provide anything of moral value. To their critics, these rights are anarchistic. All they do is give individuals the power to frustrate the government's legitimate attempts to protect citizens against mutually-imposed risks of violence. To their supporters, these rights are a bulwark against authoritarianism. To deny citizens the power to resist the government is to accept that the only views about the limits of political authority that matter are the government's. These disagreements cannot be resolved, because both sides are right. Supporters of these rights are anarchistic and their critics are authoritarian. As long as we continue to accept the Founders' Lockean view that governmental authority is limited by reserved moral rights, we will never be able to reject or accept these two constitutional rights. The Lockean paradox also explains the difficulties that courts and academics have experienced delineating the scope of these rights in a conceptually satisfying manner. Here too I argue that these problems cannot be overcome. The limits that are placed on these rights will always be arbitrary and ad hoc.


 
More on the Duty to Give Advice and Consent Bronson Yake adds to the debate over the Senate's duty to give timely advice and consent in this post on Right to the Point. Michael Rapport's posts to which Yake responds can be found here and here.


 
Smith on the Big Picture Read this post by my colleague Tom Smith on Stanley Fish, Brian Leiter, life, the universe, and everything.


 
Leiter on the Hart-Dworkin Debate If you are interested in the ins and outs of contemporary debates in the philosophy of law, you will definitely want to read this post by Leiter and download this paper. For what its worth, my take is that the Hart-Dworkin debate was a titantic tempest in a teapot, with much Dworkin's ship passing Hart in the night. (I know, terrible mixed metaphors!) The real significance of Dworkin's work lies elsewhere, in his normative theory of judging.


 
Lessig on Big Media at NYU At NYU's Colloquim in Law, Philosophy and Political Theory, Lawrence Lessig (Stanford University Law) presents an excerpt from FREE CULTURE: How Big Media Uses Technology And The Law To Lock Down Culture And Control Creativity. Here is a taste:
    At the beginning of our history, and for just about the whole of our tradition, noncommercial culture was essentially unregulated. Of course, if your stories were lewd, or if your song disturbed the peace, then the law might intervene. But the law was never directly concerned with the creation or spread of this form of culture. The law left this culture “free.” In the ordinary ways in which ordinary individuals shared and transformed their culture — telling stories, reenacting scenes from plays or TV, fan clubs, sharing music, remixing tapes — the law left that culture alone.
And a bit further on:
    This rough divide between the free and the controlled has now been erased.ix The Internet has set the stage for this erasure, and pushed by big media, the law has now effected it. For the first time in our tradition, the ordinary ways in which individuals create and share content fall within the reach of the regulation of the law. The law has now expanded to draw within its control a vast amount of culture and creativity that it never reached before. The technology that preserved balance of our history — between uses of our culture that were free, and uses of our culture that were only upon permission — has been undone. The consequence is that we are less and less a free culture, more and more a permission culture.
Lessig's work reaches far beyond the legal academy. This should be excellent.
Update: Peter Northup reports on Larry Lessig's talk.


 
Netanel Copyright & the First Amendment at Georgetown At Georgetown's Colloquium on Intellectual Property & Technology Law, Neil Weinstock Netanel (University of Texas at Austin School of Law) presents Copyright and First Amendment: Eldred v. Ashcroft and Beyond.


 
Coates on CEO Incentives & Mergers at Stanford At Stanford's Olin Series, John Coates (Harvard Law School) presents CEO Incentives and Merger Activity in the 1990s: Stock Options and Real Options.


 
Hills is Against Preemption at Michigan At the University of Michigan's Olin Series, Rick Hills (Michigan) presents Against Preemption: How Federalism Can Improve the National Legislative Process.


 
King on Judge-Jury Communication at FSU At Florida State, Nancy King (Vanderbilt) presents The Ethics of Judge-Jury Communications.
At George Mason University, D. Bruce Johnsen (GMU School of Law) presents The Limits of Mandatory Disclosure: Regulatory Taking under the Investment Company Act.


 
Wall on Political Equality at Arizona At the University of Arizona's philosophy colloquium, Steven Wall (Philosophy, Columbia University) presents Against Political Equality.


 
Greer on Critical Theory and Social Facts at Chicago At the University of Chicago's Political Theory Workshop, Kirk Greer (University of Chicago) presents Incorporating Racism: Critical Theory and Social Facts, with discussant Andrew Dilts.


 
Witt on Revolutionary Lawyers at UCLA At UCLA's Legal History Workshop, John Witt (Columbia) presents The Lawyer as Revolutionary: Crystal Eastman and the Internationalist Beginnings of American Civil Liberties.


 
Licht on Corporate Governance, Values, and Cognitive Style Amir N. Licht (Interdisciplinary Center Herzliyah - Radzyner School of Law) has posted The Maximands of Corporate Governance: A Theory of Values and Cognitive Style on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This paper considers the raison d'etre of corporations as it is reflected in the maximands of corporate governance. The debate over stockholders' versus stakeholders' interests as such maximands has been raging for decades. Advances in economic theory have not only failed to resolve this debate but have established that the problem is graver than what many may have estimated. This paper turns this debate on its head: Instead of asking What or Whose interests should corporations maximize, the real question is Why is this debate taking place at all? Aiming to extend current economic analyses of the maximands issue, this paper puts forward a new theory about the factors that determine these maximands. Recent advances in psychological research point to value emphases at the individual and societal levels and to the need for cognitive closure as such factors. The theory proposes the notion of value complexity as an organizing element that may associate certain value emphases with cognitive style. Overall, this theory provides explanations for various sticky points in the stockholder-stakeholder debate in the United States and in international settings, identifies gaps in other theoretical accounts, and generates testable hypotheses for empirical research. Extant evidence supports this theory.


 
Boos on Hart and Aquinas Eric J. Boos (Sokoine University - Law) posts An Unconventional Alliance That Should Have Been: Revisiting Hart's Mistake in Rejecting Aquinas' Natural Law Theory on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    H.L.A. Hart uncritically follows the Utilitarians' rejection of traditional natural law theory, (accepting St. Thomas Aquinas as the preeminent representative of that theory), in an attempt to avoid "the danger that law and its authority may be dissolved in man's conceptions of what law ought to be" (CL, 54). This rejection is part-and-parcel of Hart's attempt to keep separate the realms of law and morality. However, Hart's specific criticisms of traditional natural law theory cannot accurately be applied to St. Thomas' legal theory. In his boldfaced rejection of St. Thomas' legal theory, Hart has unwittingly rejected a potential ally for his own legal theory.


Wednesday, November 19, 2003
 
The Morality of Cloning Brian Weatherson has a typically intelligent and well-argued post on cloning, in which he canvasses the arguments against human cloing and concludes that most of the me are awful. (I agree.) The consensus of opinion in the medical community, however, is that given current techniques, which yield a very high incidence of substantial defects, even experimentation with human cloning would be unethical. Weatherson offers the following thoughts about this argument:
    The other issue is the potential harm to the child. Given the medical problems that plagued Dolly, these might be non-trivial. This is more serious, since the child obviously is not in a position to provide informed consent. But the child is hardly in a position to complain, since without the cloning she would not exist. That last step is a little dubious, and actually the arguments here may have some bite. In particular there may, in the short term, be an argument for restricting reproductive cloning to those who could not reproduce any other way. (There are, or at least have been, similar restrictions on IVF.) Roughly the point is that sometimes you don’t want to compare what happens to the (currently non-existent) child to what that child would have been like without cloning, but to what a child in its place may have been like without cloning. But if we restrict cloning to the otherwise incapable of childbearing, there is no such child to put in its place. (This is the argument that may not be absolutely awful, since there is a bit of philosophical work to be done in blocking it. Perhaps for that reason, it doesn’t seem to be that widely stressed in the literature, especially compared to the arguments that really are awful.)
Somehow, I don't think that Weatherson has quite captured the real philosophical substance here. Let me add just a few thoughts:
  • One might approach this topic via the dispute between classical and average utilitarianism. Summing of utilies might favor bringing the additional child into the world even with substantial genetic defects; averaging of utilities might not.
  • One might try some sort of Kantian or Scanlonian approach, applying either the categorical imperative or contractualism to the issue whether is is wrong to bring a child with a genetic defect into the world.
What strikes me is how ill-equipped these mechanical decision procedures are for the task at hand. Should a parent and physician use cloning while there is a very substantial risk of genetic defect? Real moral deliberation about this question would certainly consider the sort of life the child might lead as well as the costs imposed on parents and society. Deep moral engagement with the question would also likely involve reflection on the alternatives, including the possibility of donor eggs and/or donor sperm, adoption, and so forth. I take it that many potential parents and doctors would conclude that it would be inappropriate to clone rather than to use other techniques or to adopt if cloning involves a very substantial risk of genetic defect.
What about the interests of the child who will not exist if not cloned? Perhaps this is whether Weatherson and I part company. I would not think that this interest is of great moral salience. The problem is that too many children fail to come into existence because of our choices, and trivial decisons that affect the timing of conception doom thousands or perhaps millions of children to nonexistence every day.
Moreover, my understandng of the science is that cloning (as currently practiced) does involve a very high risk of defect. It is my further understanding that while cloning may be the only technique available to parents to have a child who does not have genetic material from someone other than the parents, it is not the case that cloning will be the only technique that can produce a child that shares genetic material with at least one parent. For example, men can father children involving donor eggs and surrogate mothers, and women can give birth to children involving sperm donors and/or egg donors. There may, however, be some rare cases where neither parent can contribute genetic material without cloning.
Given this constellation of facts and interests, I would take it that there is currently a compelling reason for both physicians and for patients not to engage in human cloning. The desire to have a child who has only the genetic material of one parent as opposed to the alternatives is not sufficiently weighty given the risk of suffering and burden on society. Thus, I would take issue with Weatherson's conclusion that the argument against cloning from the risk of genetic defect is weak; my evaluation (and that of almost everyone in medical ethics) is that this argument is strong. Perhaps, I misunderstand Weatherson, with whom I agreed about everything else in his post. It is certainly a very interesting topic.


 
Thomas reexamines the Constitutionality of Remittitur Suja Thomas (University of Cincinnati - College of Law) has posted Re-Examining the Constitutionality of Remittitur Under the Seventh Amendment (Ohio State Law Journal, Vol. 64, p. 731, 2003) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The modern scholarly discussion of remittitur has been largely limited to the appropriate standards for applying the doctrine and to the appellate review of the motion. Moreover, the Supreme Court's discussion of the constitutionality of remittitur under the Seventh Amendment was dicta and focused only on whether remittitur violated the defendant's constitutional rights. This article takes a new look at the constitutionality of remittitur. The Seventh Amendment uniquely requires that the re-examination of facts determined by a jury should be only according to the "rules of the common law." A review of the text of the Seventh Amendment's re-examination clause, as well as the Supreme Court jurisprudence on the Seventh Amendment, suggest that the English common law in 1791 should influence the analysis of the constitutionality of remittitur. This article examines for the first time the English common law on remittitur and the new trial for excessive damages. The study shows that English courts did not employ remittitur to reduce verdicts. Accordingly, it can be argued that remittitur is unconstitutional. A view of the common law as fixed or static, based only on the English common law, may not be accepted, however. Using an interpretation of the common law in the re-examination clause as, not fixed or static based only on the common law, but as evolving, this article argues that the result is the same; remittitur is unconstitutional. Under an interpretation of the common law as evolving, for remittitur to be constitutional, the plaintiff must have the option of taking a new trial as an alternative to accepting the remittitur. Effectively, under the practice of remittitur, plaintiff does not have this option. An original study of remittitur decisions in the federal courts over ten years was conducted and is used to support the conclusion that remittitur effectively eliminates plaintiff's right to a jury trial.


 
Slobogin on a Jurisprudence of Dangerousness Christopher Slobogin (University of Florida, Levin College of Law) has posted A Jurisprudence of Dangerousness (Northwestern University Law Review, Vol. 98, No. 1) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This article addresses the state's police power authority to deprive people of liberty based on predictions of antisocial behavior. Most conspicuously exercised against so-called "sexual predators," this authority purportedly justifies a wide array of other state interventions as well, ranging from police stops to executions. Yet there still is no general theory of preventive detention. This article is a preliminary effort in that regard. The article first surveys the various objections to preventive detention: the unreliability objection; the punishment-in-disguise objection; the legality objection; and the dehumanization objection. None of these objections justifies a complete prohibition on the state's power to detain people based on dangerousness. But they do suggest significant limitations on that power regarding acceptable methods of prediction, the nature and duration of preventive detention, the threshold conduct that can trigger such detention, and the extent to which it can replace punishment as the official response to antisocial behavior. On the latter issue, the central conclusion is that preventive detention which functions as a substitute for punishment, as in the case of sexual predator statutes, is only permissible if certain psychological and predictive criteria are met. The rest of the paper develops these criteria. It argues that the psychological criterion should be undeterrability, defined as the characteristic ignorance that one's criminal activity is criminal or a characteristic willingness to commit crime despite certain and significant punishment, a definition that differs from both the usual academic stance and the Supreme Court's inability-to-control formulation. The paper next argues that selection of a prediction criterion should be informed by two principles, the proportionality principle (which varies the legally requisite level of dangerousness with the nature and duration of the state's intervention) and the consistency principle (which takes as a reference point the implicit dangerousness assessments in the law of crimes). Finally, the paper explores some of the implications of the latter principle for the criminal law, including the possibility that some crimes - in particular various possession offenses, reckless endangerment and vagrancy - violate the fundamental norms of the police power authority.


 
Werbach on the Supercommons Kevin D. Werbach has posted Supercommons: Toward a Unified Theory of Wireless Communication (Texas Law Review, Vol. 82, March 2004) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The federal government has long controlled the allocation and assignment of electromagnetic spectrum, considered the lifeblood of wireless communication. Critics of government spectrum licensing advance two alternatives: exclusive property rights and unlicensed sharing through "spectrum commons." Yet both sides fail to come to grips with an essential point: there is no such thing as spectrum. It is an intellectual construct whose utility is rapidly decreasing as technology develops. Because spectrum is not a concrete thing, oft-used analogies to land or to natural resources break down. There is a vast new communications space emerging, whose full extent is unknown. Proposals based on spectrum as a physical asset denominated by frequencies artificially constrain mechanisms that exploit this "supercommons," producing inefficient outcomes. A better approach is to draw analogies to legal domains that do not presuppose ownership, such as tort. A universal communication privilege, allowing anyone to transmit anywhere, any time, in any way, should be the baseline rule for wireless communication. Liability backstops and safe harbor mechanisms can effectively prevent ruinous interference, while efficiently resolving boundary disputes. The supercommons approach properly refocuses wireless regulation away from spectrum and toward the devices used for communication. It can operate alongside the property and commons regimes, which are just different configurations of usage rights associated with wireless equipment. Bandwidth need not be infinite to justify a fundamental reconceptualization of the spectrum debate. Even with real-world scarcity and transaction-cost constraints, a default rule allowing unfettered wireless communication would most effectively balance interests to maximize capacity. Wireless could be an even more significant platform for innovation, user empowerment, and value creation in the twenty-first century than it was in the twentieth.


 
Johnson Yahya on Competitive Federalism D. Bruce Johnsen and Moin A. Yahya (George Mason University School of Law and University of Alberta - Faculty of Law) have posted The Evolution of Sherman Act Case Law: A Roadmap for Competitive Federalism on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    For the first time in over six decades, recent Supreme Court decisions confirm that federal regulatory authority under the Commerce Clause truly is limited. These decisions coincide with an increasing appreciation among scholars and jurists for the concept of competitive federalism. This paper derives the implications of competitive federalism for federal antitrust jurisdiction under the Sherman Act. It provides a clear and substantively reasoned jurisdictional test based on the concept of geographic market power familiar to antitrust scholars, practitioners, and regulators in evaluating horizontal mergers. According to this test, to be subject to federal antitrust jurisdiction Sherman Act defendants must have a sufficiently large share of the geographic antitrust market that they can plausibly exercise market power that has a substantial effect on prices "in more states than one." This test reflects a natural progression in the evolution of Sherman Act and Commerce Clause jurisdiction. It resolves a number of troubling inconsistencies in the case law and also provides a useful roadmap for the direction the Court's general Commerce Clause jurisprudence might take in other areas of federal regulation.


 
Lazarus on Comparative Human Rights for Prisoners at Oxford At Oxford's Centre for Criminological Research, Liora Lazarus presents Prisoners and Human Rights in Comparative Perspective.


 
Kismet on Qui Tam Kary Klismet (University of Iowa College of Law) has posted Quo Vadis, 'Qui Tam'? The Future of Private False Claims Act Suits Against States After Vermont Agency of Natural Resources v. United States ex rel. Stevens (Iowa Law Review, Vol. 87, No. 1, October 2001) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Since Congress amended the Federal False Claims Act in 1986, the Act's qui tam provisions, which allow individuals to sue on behalf of the federal government and keep a portion of the recovery, have become a force to be reckoned with in the fight to recover fraudulently obtained federal tax dollars. In fact, qui tam plaintiffs (referred to as relators) help return hundreds of millions of dollars to the federal treasury each year. But the Supreme Court's recent decision in Vermont Agency of Natural Resources v. United States ex rel. Stevens determined that states are not liable under the False Claims Act because the Act's definition of "person," found in 31 U.S.C. Section 3729, does not include state governments. The legislative history of the 1986 Amendments to the False Claims Act makes it clear that the Supreme Court failed to recognize Congress' intent to include state governments within the definition of "person." Consequently, state governments are not subject to liability for violations of the False Claims Act. Congress should make its intent explicit by either amending the False Claims Act to include states within the definition of "person," or by pursuing conditional funding measures that would require states to waive their False Claims Act defenses in order to receive federal grant money. Finally, in the absence of Congressional action, qui tam relators, should pursue claims against state employees, in their individual capacities, and then invoke states' indemnification statutes as a means of holding states and their officials accountable for violations of the False Claims Act. This approach will create an alternative procedural method to hold states accountable for defrauding the federal government, just as Congress intended.


Tuesday, November 18, 2003
 
Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court Decision on Gay Marriage Find the opinion here. Eugene Volokh has comments here, here and here.


 
Araiza on Section Five Power at the University of San Diego At the University of San Diego, William Araiza (Loyola Marymount) presents The Section 5 Power and the Three-Tiered Structure of Equal Protection.


 
Huigens on a Specification to Coherence Theory of Punishment At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Kyron Huigens presents A Specification to Coherence Theory of Punishment`s Justification. Here is a taste:
    The leading accounts of punishment’s justification give implausible accounts of the relationship among punishment’s multiple ends. The consequentialist theory of punishment posits that punishment is morally justified if it is a rational means to the promotion of social welfare. This means that a backward-looking justifications such as retribution must be subsumed into a forward-looking end such as the avoidance of self-help and anarchy by means of organized social catharsis. The deontological theory of punishment posits a duty to take retribution on wrongdoers, and retribution is said to be constitutive of just punishment. But this constitutive relationship is an exclusive one. The deterrent effects of punishment have no part to play in the justification of punishment. Such practical effects of punishment are merely “prudential supplements” – bonus effects that may be welcome, but that do not justify.
    The aretaic theory of punishment takes a fundamentally different approach to the reconciliation of punishment’s multiple ends, and to punishment’s justification in light of those ends. Whereas the other major traditions in philosophical ethics recognize some of the ends of punishment in ways that denigrate or distort them, the aretaic theory can integrate the several ends of punishment by means of a coherentist account of practical justification that is aimed specifically at reconciling punishment’s multiple ends. The aim of this paper is to give such a coherentist account, which will not only demonstrate an advantage over the other two main theories of punishment, but that will also avoid some difficulties within the aretaic theory of punishment.
Huigens work on aretaic theory and criminal law is interesting an important! Download it while its hot!


 
Gardiner on the Function of Tort Law at Oxford At Oxford's Faculty of Law, John Gardner presents What is Tort Law For? to the Private and Commercial Law Discussion Group.


 
Gerald Dworkin on Unfair Competition at Oxford At the Oxford Intellectual Property Research Centre, Gerald Dworkin presents Unfair competition: Is the Common Law in need of a Loose Cannon?


 
Lyon on Rehabilitating Child Witnesses at Loyola Marymount At Loyola Marymount's Loyola Law School, Thomas D. Lyon (Professor of Law, University of Southern California Law School) presents Rehabilitating the Child Witness.


 
Chesney on the Democratic-Republican Societies and Political Dissent Robert Chesney (Wake Forest University - School of Law) posts Democratic-Republican Societies, Subversion, and the Limits of Legitimate Political Dissent in the Early Republic (North Carolina Law Review, Forthcoming) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Political liberties and the needs of security have clashed often in American history. When asked to identify the seminal incident in this cycle, many if not most of us are inclined to look to the passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts and the series of federal seditious libel prosecutions which took place beginning in 1798. But this overlooks the events of 1794, when Federalists first made a concerted effort to assert the illegitimacy of political criticism of the government. The effort did not take the form of prosecution or legislation, but nonetheless presented a significant challenge to constitutional values. The moment came in the tense, patriotic aftermath of the Whiskey Rebellion, and was directed at the Democratic-Republican societies - a loosely-affiliated network of voluntary associations engaged in sharp criticism of Federalist policy. From the Federalist perspective, the societies were inherently illegitimate because the tendency of their speech - indeed, of their very existence - was to foment insurrection and to undermine representative government. Federalists also feared the societies were influenced by, if not subject to the direction and control of, a subversive foreign power - Revolutionary France. Building on these perceptions, President Washington used his annual address to Congress to denounce the existence of the societies. The censure produced an immediate echo in the Senate, and a fierce debate in both the House and the partisan press. Republicans insisted upon the right of private citizens to organize and to criticize the actions of elected officials, while Federalists branded political criticism from private groups as inherently disloyal and seditious. It was America's first sustained debate concerning freedoms of expression, assembly, and the press, but ultimately the decentralized nature of the debate prevented it from reaching a clear resolution. James Madison wrote at the time of his concern that the public failed to appreciate that the principle advanced by the Federalists could as well be applied in support of more direct intrusions on political liberties. This, of course, is precisely what happened just a few years later during the Sedition Act controversy.


 
Koch on Policymaking by ALJs Charles Koch (College of William and Mary School of Law) has posted Policymaking by the Administrative Judiciary on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Administrative agency authority to evolve policy in the course of adjudication is well established. While the scope of that authority and the judicial role with respect to such questions commands considerable scholarly attention, the process for exercising that authority inside administrative judiciaries is largely neglected. The policymaking role of the administrative judges in particular has been insufficiently conceptualized and hence their role in that regard poorly understood, even by themselves. Administrative judges must apply policy in individual context. As the record builders and initial decisionmakers, the administrative judges launch the policy related issues. Even clear policy leaves them some discretion and agency policy, being ambiguous or rendered ambiguous by the individual case, may afford judges considerable range. Necessarily then policymaking by administrative judges creates a tension within the agency hierarchy. The agencies endeavor to maintain dominance over policy and constantly struggle to keep the administrative judges within the strict confines of its policy pronouncements. For this reason, it is the policy aspects of the hearing level decisions, more so than individual dispute resolution, that defines the relationship between the agency and the judges. This article seeks to understand the policymaking aspect of administrative adjudications. It exposes the myth that adjudicative judges are not part of the policymaking process. It examines how they do contribute to that effort. And it suggests ways to incorporate them most effectively in the adjudicative policymaking process and thereby the overall administrative policymaking process. Some first level answers can be derived from the various studies and commentary on judicial law making. Yet, the hierarchical allocation of policymaking in administrative adjudications is fundamentally distinct. Thus, the article looks closely at the adjudicative policy development in terms of precedent (or consistency), the internal force of varies categories of rule, the nature of policy oriented factual development and finding, the adjudicative staff's role, and agency supervision of policy judgments. From this analysis of the classic adjudicative hierarchy, the article considers the special circumstances of adjudicative policymaking in "coordinate" systems: centralized panels and split function. It concludes that conscious attention to the judge's role and full utilization of them for policymaking will significantly improve many administrative systems.
Very interesting paper. This is not my field, but I am quite interested in systems of judicial decision making and I learned from this paper. Recommended.


Monday, November 17, 2003
 
The Demandingness Objection to Utilitarianism Matthew Yglesias replies to my statement of the demandingness objection to utilitarianism from the Legal Theory Lexicon a while back. Here is my statement of the objection:
    It is frequently argued that utilitarianism (especially act utilitarianism) is too demanding. Why? Imagine that it is your day off. You have two choices. You can either read a novel or your can work for Oxfam. If you read a novel, you will produce some positive utility—your enjoyment of the novel. But if you worked for Oxfam, you would save 1.7 starving children in the third world from death. Well, of course, you should work for Oxfam. But the problem is that it will always be the case that I could produce more utility for others if I dedicated my time to helping the least fortunate. Utilitarianism seems to require me to work for Oxfam after work and to stay up as late as I possibly can. In fact, I may be able to maximize utility by neglecting my health and family. If this is true, many would find utilitarianism too demanding and hence implausible.
And here is the crucial passage from Yglesias's reply:
    A utilitarian, however, can accept this criticism and keep his moral theory intact. It would be unreasonable to condemn someone in this way, so good utilitarians don't condemn people simply because they don't spend all their time working for oxfam. The utilitarian moral theory is like a compass -- it tells us in which direction good behavior lies. How much good behavior it is up to us to expect from any particular person is up to us. There's no reason to think that maximally-good behavior is the same thing is minimally-acceptable behavior.
Before I say anything more, I should like to make it clear that my Legal Theory Lexicon posts rarely represent my own views on the topics covered. In this case, I was trying to give a general sense of the objection, but not the most sophisticated statement, much less a canvassing of the variations of the objection and the state of play on the answers and replies.
Having said that, I don't think that Yglesias's answer is adequate. It is true that a utilitarian can make R.M. Hare two-level theory move, and argue that utilitarianism itself would support a less demanding morality as a rule of thumb. Moreover, it may be the case that a practice of moral criticism in conformity with utilitarianism would not criticize the failure to devote one's self to Oxfam for utilitarian reasons. But Yglesias has not made the utilitarian case for either of those two possibilities. Yglesias stats, "It would be unreasonable to condemn someone in this way, so good utilitarians don't condemn people simply because they don't spend all their time working for oxfam." Well, yes, that is the point of the objection, but "reasonableness" is not itself a utilitarian concept. Yglesias needs an argument that condemning someone who doesn't work for Oxfam will produce less utility than the alternative courses of action. Moreover, even if Yglesias does make this case, a potent version of the demandingness objection would still remain in play. From the cool point of reflection that Hare identifies as the perspective of utilitarian theory, it would still be the case that in the end, it is wrong not to work for Oxfam to the utility-maximizing extent. Many would argue that even from the perspective of cool reflection, utilitarianism will still be too demading to claim our assent.
The rest of Yglesias's post relies on a distinction between "maximally-good behavior" and "minimally-acceptable behavior," which may indeed be a reasonable distinction. I fail to see, however, how Yglesias has managed to locate such a distinction within utilitarian moral theory.


 
The President's Power to Call Congress Into Executive Session as a Remedy for the Senate's Breach of its Constitutional Duty to Render Advice and Consent
    Introduction In a post on Friday, I argued that President Bush may possess the long-dormant power to call the Senate into executive session and ask each Senator for advice and consent on judicial nominations. Michael Rappaport replied here, and I offered further thoughts here. Now Michael has an extremely well-written and thoughtful reply. I have interspersed some updating comments in my Saturday post. I would like to emphasize that my thoughts on this topic are still in the gestation stage, although my thinking has been substantially clarified by Rappaport's very cogent points
    Reading the History: Washington's Letter and Historical Practice One important question concerns the question whether the Senate has recognized the President's power to convene the Senate as an "executive council." Senate Rule XXIX has long provided that the President may call the Senate into executive session. Rappaport notes that this rule does not, by itself, give the President the power to modify the Senate's other rules of procedures, and he is surely correct. My argument that the President has the additional power to ask individual Senators for advice and consent relied on President Washington's letter. To that Rappaport replies:
      My point was that there are two possible (but conflicting) interpretations of the SenateÂ’s role as to appointments: the Senate could be an executive council that is subject to the governance of the President (as Washington suggests) or it could be an legislative body that is independent of any presidential control. While WashingtonÂ’s view was plausible as an original matter, so was the opposite view and that view has been followed for more than 200 years. Given the 200 years of legislative precedent, one cannot lightly go back to the alternative, contradictory interpretation. I invoke no doctrine of desuetude here.
    This is a powerful point! If I may ask you indulgence again, here are some thoughts by way of reaction:
      First, Rappaport and I seem to agree that the constitutional text in light of the relevant history was ambiguous at the time of the framing. In this regard, I would emphasize this sentence from Washington's letter: "It seems incident to this relation between them, that not only the time but the place and manner of consultation should be with the President." This passage offers strong support for the proposition that what we might call the executive council interpretation was, at the time of the framing and ratification, at least a reasonable interpretation.
      Second, Rappaport believes that the subsequent history points unambiguously to the view that the President lacks the power to convene the Senate as a legislative council. My tentative reading of the history is more nuanced. In response to Washington, the Senate indicated its preference to meet in its own chamber, and Washington acquiesced in the Senate's expression of its preference. This acquiescence can be read in two ways:
        The first reading is that Washington and the Senate clashed over the issue of power, and the Senate's interpretation of its own power prevailed.
        The second reading is that Washington and the Senate did not reach the point of clash over the issue of power, because the Senate requested that Washington allow the Senate to give advice and consent in a manner of its own choosing.
      The second reading of the history is consistent with the notion that the President has a dormant power to call the Senate into session as an executive counsel. The question then becomes whether the Senate's refusal to render advice and consent provides a reason of constitutional prudence for the President to revive the dormant power.
    Insofar as Rappaport is arguing that the history does not unambiguously support the notion that the President retains a dormant power to call the Senate into session and ask for advice and consent, I am compelled to agree. But if Rappaport goes further, arguing that the history is unambiguous and the issue has been settled beyond dispute, then I beg to differ.
    Thought Experiment One Here is another way to think about the history. Consider the following thought experiment:
      Imagine that at some point in our history (neither too close to the framing nor too proximate to our own era), the President and the Senate had clashed over the Senate's refusal to render advice and consent on the President's nominations for judicial office. Imagine further that the President had taken the radical step osummoningng the Senate into session in the White House, and that the Senate, pursuant to Rule XXIX, had duly assembled at the appointed time and place. Now imagine that the President speaks first at this assembly, and that he demands that the Senate render advice and consent. And here is the critical assumption: Imagine further that the Senate responds, voting up or down on the pending nominations.
    Had such an event occurred some decades ago, would it alter our view of the question whether the President has a latent power to call the Senate into session and demand timely advice and consent? I am not sure, but I do have a suspicion. My suspicion is that this event would be viewed as relevant to the constitutional question. My suspicion is that this event would count as strong (but perhaps not decisive) evidence that the President does have the dormant power I have postulated. And here is the kicker. If you share my suspicion about the meaning of this counterfactual historical hypothetical, then I think you ought to share my intuition that in the actual world, the advice and consent chapter of the book of constitutional history is still being written.
    The Argument for a Constitutional Duty to Render Advice and Consent from Transparency In my last post, I argued for the proposition that the Senate has a formal duty to render advice and consent that is not fulfilled by mere inaction or silence on the ground that this duty is supported by considerations of transparency and democratic legitimacy. Rappaport's most recent post resulted in my doing a bit of additional research that I would like to share with you. Both James Wilson and Joseph Story have written about the appointments power in ways that lend support to my transparency argument. Let me just quote the passages, and you can draw your own conclusion:
      James Wilson, Government, Lectures on Law:
        The person who nominates or makes appointments to offices, should be known. His own office, his own character, his own fortune should be responsible. He should be alike unfettered and unsheltered by counsellors. No constitutional stalking horse should be provided for him to conceal his turnings and windings, when they are too dark and too crooked to be exposed to publick view. Instead of the dishonourable intercourse, which I have already mentioned, an intercourse of a very different kind should be established--an intercourse of integrity and discernment on the part of the magistrate who appoints, and of gratitude and confidence on the part of the people, who will receive the benefit from his appointments. Appointments made and sanctioned in this highly respectable manner, will, like a fragrant and beneficent atmosphere, diffuse sweetness and gladness around those, to whom they are given. Modest merit will be beckoned to, in order to encourage her to come forward. Bare-faced impudence and unprincipled intrigue will receive repulse and disappointment, deservedly their portion.
      Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution:
        Nor is it to be expected, that the senate will ordinarily fail of ratifying the appointment of a suitable person for the office. Independent of the desire, which such a body may naturally be presumed to feel, of having offices suitably filled, (when they cannot make the appointment themselves,) there will be a responsibility to public opinion for a rejection, which will overcome all common private wishes. Cases, indeed, may be imagined, in which the senate from party motives, from a spirit of opposition, and even from motives of a more private nature, may reject a nomination absolutely unexceptionable. But such occurrences will be rare.
    I don't want to overclaim the significance of these passages, but both passages do suggest that my transparency argument resonates with concerns that were expressed during periods far closer to the framing and ratification of the Constitution than is our own time.
    Thought Experiment Number Two It does seem unlikely, but let's imagine what might happen if George Bush were to start surfing the blogosphere and became convinced that he does, in fact, have the power to call the Senate into executive session. The President then sends a formal notice of the session to the Senate. Given Rule XXIX, it seems most likely that the Senate would agree to appear--although one can certainly imagine that some members of the minority caucus might decide to boycott the executive session. Now imagine that the President speaks to the assembled members of the Senate, stating his view that he has the power to ask each Senator for her or his advice and consent. Surely, at this point, some member of the Senate would object to the proceedings, arguing that the Senate, even when in executive session, must follow its own rules. At this juncture things might go in any number of directions, but here is one possibility. Suppose that the chair, a member of the Senate majority, were to rule that the Senate's rules do not apply when the Senate is in a special executive session for the purpose of giving the President advice and consent. What then? Well surely the ruling of the chair would be appealed to the whole Senate, and such a point of order is not debatable and hence not subject to the filibuster. But how would the Senate vote? It would be a dramatic moment--indeed, one of the most dramatic moments in our constitutional history. Undoubtedly, many members of the President's own party would be reluctant to see the Senate's power eroded by a vote to sustain the chair, but members of the majority would also be under the most intense of pressure to vote with their leadership and their President under these circumstances.
    Conclusion Hypotheticals are good clean fun, but surely my second thought experiment is not in the cards. Surely, neither the President nor the Senate would wish to risk a constitutional crisis. Surely, there is room for compromise between the President, the Senate Majority, and the Senate Minority over judicial nominations. Surely there is a resolution of the current conflict that is better than multiple filibusters or mass recess appointments or nuclear options or the President summoning the Senate to the White House as an executive council. Surely.


 
Two By Stuart Buck Stuart Buck (The Buck Stops Here), who provides a very articulate and intelligent voice in the blogosphere, has two new papers on SSRN:
    Salerno v. Chevron: What To Do About Statutory Challenges Administrative Law Review, Vol. 55, No. 3, Summer 2003:
      The Chevron standard for judging agency statutory interpretations is ubiquitous in administrative law cases. But few scholars have noticed that the Supreme Court in 1993 spoke approvingly of a standard that seems to be utterly different from Chevron: the Salerno standard, from United States v. Salerno, in which the Court said that no facial challenge to a law can succeed unless the plaintiff demonstrates that there is no set of circumstances in which the law could be applied constitutionally. In Reno v. Flores, the Court said the Salerno no-set-of-circumstances test equally applies to challenges arguing that an agency regulation is inconsistent with the agency's authorizing statute. It is extraordinarily difficult to see how the Salerno standard could be consistent with Chevron. Chevron allows the court to overturn the agency's decision if the regulation is either 1) directly contradicted by the statute or 2) unreasonable. But the Salerno standard seems to require that the agency's regulation be upheld if even one set of circumstances existed in which the regulation was consistent with the statute. The conflict between Chevron and Salerno has caused courts to struggle with the question whether to follow Reno v. Flores or not. My purpose in this article is to reconcile the Court's approval of what I will call "statutory Salerno" with the preexisting Chevron doctrine. This reconciliation will require a substantial re-conceptualization of Salerno itself; here I rely heavily on the exemplary work of Marc Isserles. In Isserles's view, Salerno is merely descriptive, not normative. That is, the "no set of circumstances test" is not a "test" at all, in the normal use of that word. Rather, the phrase "no set of circumstances" merely describes what happens when a statute is declared facially invalid. And such a ruling is usually based, not on counting up the number of invalid applications of the statute, but on some substantive constitutional doctrine that literally looks only at the "face" of the statute. If this view of Salerno is correct, then the analogue in the statutory context is none other than Chevron Step One. Under Step One, if a statute is clear as to a particular issue, and the agency’s regulation is contrary to the statute, then the regulation is to that extent facially invalid. As a result, the regulation must be vacated on its face and/or remanded to the agency for further consideration. In any event, a facial challenge under Step One is judged not by imagining all possible applications of the regulation, but by a direct "facial" comparison of the regulation and the authorizing statute. Here as under the modified view of Salerno, facial considerations come first, causing the invalidity of all potential applications, not the other way around.
    TELRIC vs. Universal Service: A Takings Violation? Federal Communications Law Journal, Forthcoming:
      Local phone companies are trapped between two utterly contradictory pricing systems. At the retail level, they are forced by federal and state law to offer universal service to all customers at relatively equal prices - and often at prices that are inversely related to the cost of service (as when residential users are charged less than business customers, even though they are more expensive to serve). But on the wholesale level, the Federal Telecommunications Act of 1996 forces local phone companies to lease their equipment and lines to their competitors at rates that are based on the cost of service. This combination of contradictory pricing systems is unwise and potentially disastrous. It allows competitive phone companies to enter markets where customers are relatively over-charged, while leasing the local phone companies' lines at cost. Meanwhile, the local phone companies are left serving the under-charged customers (i.e., those in rural and residential areas) due to their universal service obligations. As a result, local phone companies may have a viable claim that the Takings Clause has been violated.


 
Student Edited Law Reviews Chris Geider has a very thoughtful post on student-edited law reviews on En Banc.


 
Republican Unilateral Disarmament on the Filibuster of Judicial Nominations Check out Rick Hasen's report and comment on this Roll Call article.


 
John Hart Ely The late John Hart Ely's article Interclausal Immunity (Virginia Law Review, Vol. 87, pp. 1185-1199, September 2001) has just appeared on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    In Richardson v. Ramirez, decided in 1974, the Supreme Court, speaking through (then just plain) Justice Rehnquist, upheld the practice of approximately half the states of disfranchising convicted felons even after their release from prison, sometimes for life. One might have expected this to be a slam dunk the other way, given voting's status as the quintessential political right and thus a "fundamental interest" requiring strict scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause, and the evident looseness of the fit between having been convicted of (or pleaded to) a felony, any felony, and any "compelling" reason for taking one's vote away. But actually Rehnquist had a pretty good answer to this, that Section 2 of the very amendment under which the challenge was brought (the Fourteenth), in specifying the sorts of franchise-deprivation for which a state's representation in Congress could lawfully be reduced, explicitly exempted (along with not being male, 21 years of age, or a U.S. citizen) the fact that one had been convicted of a crime.
Everything I ever read by Ely was worthwhile!


 
Redding on Shariat Jeff Redding (Columbia University - Center for the Study of Law and Culture) posts Constitutionalizing Islam: Theory and Pakistan on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This article explores Pakistan's Shariat judicial system's understanding of what is required by a constitutional and legal system, in order for that system to be considered "Islamic." In the main part of this article, I present some of the Pakistani Shariat judicial system's landmark cases, interpreting them and demonstrating how they build and structure the Islamic system of constitutional and legal governance that I believe they do. As I argue, these cases emphasizes the importance of Muslim community consensus in determining those laws which will be enforced by an Islamic legal system. This article adds to the literature on Islamic law in a couple of different ways. First of all, most theories of Islamic constitutionalism root themselves in the exegesis and discussion of Islamic religious texts and precedents. My argument, however, emphasizes the importance of extant political realities - in particular, the Muslim sectarian divide in Pakistan - in contemporary discussions of Islamic constitutionalism. Moreover, in the concluding section of my article, I compare Pakistan's approach to defining Islamic law and constitutionalism with India's approach. India, as I argue, has emphasized a more top-down, state-led approach to defining Islam. While this has often resulted in admirably progressive interpretations of Islamic law, I argue that Pakistan's approach - one that is more of a community-led, bottom-up approach - is likely to be needed as well, if Islamic legal reform is to be a sustainable and peaceful enterprise.


 
Denning Reviews Noonan Brannon P. Denning (Cumberland School of Law) posts Judge Noonan's J'accuse. . .! on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This review of Judge John T. Noonan's book, Narrowing the Nation's Power: The Supreme Court Sides with the States, critically evaluates the evidence Judge Noonan offers in support of his thesis that the Court's recent federalism decisions have done violence to the Constitution, and put Congress's ability to govern effectively at risk. I conclude that while one may quarrel with aspects of the Court's recent approach to federalism questions, the indictment Judge Noonan has penned fails to acknowledge reasonable arguments that contradict his thesis, and that he unfairly suggests that the Court has abandoned good faith legal analysis in favor of political will in rendering its recent decisions.


 
Whitman on Metapreferences and Multiple Selves at George Mason At George Mason's Workshop in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics, Glen Whitman (Economics, California State University-- Northridge) presents Meta-Preferences and Multiple Selves.


 
Kilborn on the German Experience with Consumer Debt Relief Jason Jeremy Kilborn (Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge - Paul M. Hebert Law Center) has posted The Innovative German Approach to Consumer Debt Relief: Revolutionary Changes in German Law, and Surprising Lessons for the U.S. (Northwestern Journal of International Law and Business, Vol. 24, No. 2) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    To add another enlightening dimension to current U.S. consumer bankruptcy reform debate, this Article describes the consumer provisions of the new German Insolvency Act. It reports on Germany's rising consumer debt problem and the various ways in which German debtor-creditor law failed to address this increasing problem before 1999. It then examines the consumer provisions of the new German Insolvency Act, in force since January 1999 and significantly amended in December 2001. It reveals critical distinctions between the theory of consumer insolvency, as described in German law and legal literature, and the reality of consumer insolvency in practice as it has developed in the nearly five years since the law went into effect. From this examination, this Article extracts several lessons for U.S. law reformers battling with provisions quite similar to those implemented in the new German law. As it turns out, the German and U.S. consumer debt relief systems produce largely the same economic results. Important distinctions between the German and U.S. economic and social systems suggest, however, that the German approach - and the amendments currently under consideration in the U.S. Congress - would not lead to success in the U.S. At the same time, the German system focuses on achieving important societal goals that U.S. law neglects, which might be incorporated into U.S. law through more careful reform of U.S. debtor-creditor law.


Sunday, November 16, 2003
 
Legal Theory Lexicon: Deontology
    Introduction Two weeks ago, the Legal Theory Lexicon explored utilitarianism, an approach to normative moral theory that has had an enormous influence on legal thought. This week, I take up one of utilitarianism's main rivals, deonotology. Deontological moral theories vary in myriad ways, but the focal point for deontology is the concept of duty with its correlative notions of right and permission. Thus, the distinctive thesis of deontology in general might be formulated as the claim that the rightness of action is a function of whether the action is required, prohibited, or permitted by a moral duty. This is, of course, a simple formulation, and contemporary philosophical theories in the deontological tradition offer more sophisticated and nuanced formulations. This post aims to introduce the central idea of deontological moral theory with special reference to the interests of a first-year law student with an interest in legal theory. Almost every first year course will include deontological ideas. In criminal law, deontology is reflected in the notions that an action cannot be a crime unless it is the violation of a moral duty and in retributive theories of punishment. In torts, deontological theories argue against the economic analysis of tort law and for the idea that tort law is best explained by a theory of corrective justice. In property law, deontological theories emphasize the role of property in creating spheres of autonomy. In contracts, the deontological approach results in the idea that contract is fundamentally explained by the duty to keep a promise. And even in civil procedure, deontological ideas appear in the view that litigants have a right to a "day in court."
    What Rights and Duties Do We Have? The idea that some actions are wrong and therefore forbidden has a strong intuitive appeal. And we can easily generate a list of action types that are at least ceteris paribus wrongful: telling lies, breaking promises, intentionally killing or injuring an innocent person, stealing, and so forth. For some purposes, a simple list of wrongs may be sufficient. But philosophers and legal theorists are unlikely to be satisfied with a list. Why not? Because the content of the list is likely to become controversial. Lying belongs on the list, but what about the failure to make a full disclosure to a stranger in an arms length commercial transaction? Battery is on the list, but should the exception for self-defense be extended to defense of property?
    So what method or principle allows us to identify the list of duties, rights, and permissions that would provide the content of a fully specified deontological moral theory? One possibility is that we would identify the list by appeal to our sense of what is right and wrong. Let's give that sense a fancy name: call it "moral intuition." One possible method for identifying the content of a deontological moral theory would be to consult our moral intuitions about particular cases. But objections to this method are likely to arise immediately. For example, my intuition may not agree with your intuition. What then? Even if I consult only my own intuition, I may come to see that my intuitions about particular cases are not consistent at the level of principle. My intuition makes an exception for lies told to instructors as excuses for turning in late papers, but not for lies told to friends as excuses for extreme lateness.
    Raw moral intuitions might be refined through a technique suggested by the philosopher John Rawls--the method of reflective equilibrium. We might aim to order our raw moral intuitions by positing some general principles that would explain and unify our considered judgments about particular cases. Once we have a set of general principles, it may turn out that some of our considered judgments about particular cases need to be revised. In other cases, a general principle may conflict with a considered judgment about a particular case that we hold very firmly. In such a case, we may wish to modify our general principles. If we work at it, we might eventually reach a point where our revised general principles are in agreement with our revised judgments about particular cases. Rawls call this state "reflective equilibrium." The same procedure might be used collectively to resolve conflicts between the judgments of different individuals; Norman Daniels call this interpersonal use of reflective equilibrium, "wide reflective equilibrium."
    Kant Reflective equilibrium is one way to specify the content of a deontological moral theory. The German philosopher Immanuel Kant provides another. Before I proceed any further, I want to make it clear that what I am about to say does not provide anything close to even a basic introduction to Kant's moral philosophy. That would take a series of several Legal Theory Lexicon posts. Nonetheless, we can get a glimpse of one of Kant's most important ideas, the categorical imperative. Kant believed that duty was the central moral idea, and he recognized the problem of specifying duty. Kant had a particularly deep and interesting solution to that problem which begins with the idea of a good will: "Nothing can possibly be conceived in the world or out of it that can be called good without qualification except a good will." And a good will is a will that aims for the good and not merely for the objects of desire and inclination. If we act on the basis of a hypothetical imperative (if I want X, then I should do Y), we act on the basis of desire and inclination. In order to aim for the right, we must act on the basis of a categorical imperative, that is, on the basis of a reason or principle that does not include a desire or inclination. So what would a categorical imperative look like? Kant's answer to this question is stunningly brilliant--one of the most awesome moves in the history of philosophy. Kant suggested that one could act on the basis of a categorical imperative by consulting what he saw as three equivalent formulas:
      The Formula of the Law of Nature: "Act as if the maxim of your action were to become through your will a universal law of nature."
      The Formula of the End Itself: "Act in such a way that you always treat humanity, whether in your own person or in the person of any other, never simply as a means, but always at the same time as an end."
      The Formula of the Kingdom of Ends: "So act as if you were through your maxims a law-making member of a kingdom of ends."
    Onora O'Neill, the great Kant scholar, has a really wonderful essay called A Simplified Account of Kant's Ethics. If you are still reading this post and you haven't already read O'Neill's piece, download the word file and read it now--believe me it is worth it.
    O'Neill focused on the formula of the end itself, so let me say just a few words about the formula of the law of nature by giving an example. Suppose you are deciding whether to tell a lie to a friend to get out of a lunch date. You first ask yourself, "What is the maxim (or principle) of my action?" Suppose the answer is "Lie when convenient!" Now, you imagine that if you were to lie to your friend the principle upon which you acted would become a universal law of nature--everyone would one lie when it was convenient. Could or would you do this? Arguably not, for two reasons. First, if everyone were to lie whenever it was convenient, human communication might become impossible, because no one could be trusted. The maxim--lie whenever convenient--has a contradiction in conception, because the lie would never be believed in the possible world in which the maxim of your action was a universal law of nature. Second, if one can imagine a world in which everyone lies when convenient, you might not be willing to lie on this occasion if the result of your action was that the maxim--lie whenever convenient--were to become a universal law of nature as a result. You might not want others to lie to you when they thought it was convenient--we can call this a contradiction in the will. Of course, my analysis of this example has been very sketchy and crude, but I hope that I have done enough to give you the general idea.
    Some Objections to Deontology All of the main approaches to moral theory are controversial, and because the debates have been raging for centuries, the arguments are now enormously complex. So I am going to give two very simple objections to deontology, with the warning that the current state of play on these objections is now so complex and ramified that you really must be a specialist to give even a rough summary.
      The Indeterminacy Objection. The first objection is that the content of a deontological moral theory is underdeveloped by the various methods for deriving a set of duties, rights, and permissions. So, for example, the method of reflective equilibrium may help us to order our considered judgments about particular rights, duties, and permissions, but it might be objected that this method is unlikely to settle any of the major disputes about what the duties, rights, and permissions actually are. Different people will arrive at different reflective equlibria. Even a single individual may come to believe that a variety of equilibriums are equally plausible or that her view of the most stable equilibrium is unstable, changing frequently in response to new examples or arguments. Kant's approach is subject to the same objection, with many critics arguing that Kant's method does not produce unique answers to particular questions about duty. Deontological moral theorists might counter that although their methods may not always produce unambiguous answers that will produce universal assent, that this is an unrealistic criterion for an acceptable moral theory. Particular deontological theories may allow the zone of moral disagreement to be narrowed and provide illuminating insights about particular cases.
      The Rigor Objection. The second objection begins with the assumption that deontology does produce determinate answers to particular questions of morality, but argues that the answers are implausible, because they are too demanding or inflexible. Consequentialist critics of deontology argue that absolute rights, duties, and permissions can lead to consequences that would not be morally acceptable. One famous hypothetical, based on Kant's discussion of lying, imagines that you are in Germany before World War II and a Nazi has come to your door and inquired whether you have seen a Jew who has escaped. If there is an absolute moral duty to tell the truth, then you are not permitted to lie in response, but telling a lie may be the only way to save the life of an innocent person. Surely, the consequentialist argues, telling the lie is not only morally permissible, it is morally required. Deontologists can try to escape from examples like these in a variety of ways. For example, the deontologist might simply argue that there is no duty to tell the truth to evil doers who will use the truth for evil purposes. Or the deontologist might argue that this is a case which duties conflicts, and that some higher order principle favors the duty to protect the innocent person from evil over the duty to tell the truth. Or the deontologist might allow that duties can be overridden by consequences in some circumtances. Some deontologists may bite the bullet and argue that one is required to tell the truth, even if the consequences are horrific.
    Conclusion In a sense, the battle between deontology and consequentialism is one of the great battles of contemporary legal theory. Legal theorists argue over deontological and consequentialist theories of contract, tort, property, criminal law, procedure, constitutional law, and many other doctrinal fields. As a law student, you might start to look for deontological arguments in cases and class discussion. Almost every time class discussion turns to the question, "What should the rule be?," you will be able to construct both consequentialist and deontological arguments for and/or against the various possible rules. Getting the hang of normative legal theory is, in large part, a matter of mastering a set of consequenitalist and deontological moves.
    Links Bibliography


 
Legal Theory Calendar
    Monday, November 17
      At George Mason's Workshop in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics, Glen Whitman (Economics, California State University-- Northridge) presents Meta-Preferences and Multiple Selves.
    Tuesday, November 18
      At the University of San Diego, William Araiza (Loyola Marymount) presents The Section 5 Power and the Three-Tiered Structure of Equal Protection.
      At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Kyron Huigens presents A Specification to Coherence Theory of Punishment`s Justification.
      At Oxford's Faculty of Law, John Gardner presents What is Tort Law For? to the Private and Commercial Law Discussion Group.
      At the Oxford Intellectual Property Research Centre, Gerald Dworkin presents Unfair competition: Is the Common Law in need of a Loose Cannon?
      At Loyola Marymount's Loyola Law School, Thomas D. Lyon (Professor of Law, University of Southern California Law School) presents Rehabilitating the Child Witness.
    Wednesday, November 19
      At Oxford's Centre for Criminological Research, Liora Lazarus presents Prisoners and Human Rights in Comparative Perspective.
    Thursday, November 20 Friday, November 21
      At Berkeley's marvelous Kadish series, Arthur Applbaum (Professor of Ethics and Public Policy, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University) presents Legitimacy in a Bastard Kingdom.
      At the University of North Carolina, Philosophy series, Richard Rorty presents Putnam, Pragmatism, and Parmenides.
      At Brooklyn Law School, The David G.Trager Public Policy Symposium is entitled Our New Federalism? National Authority and Local Autonomy in the War on Terror.
      At the University of Edinburgh, the Moral Epistemology Conference will be held today and Saturday. Speakers include: Walter Sinnott-Armstrong, Ralph Wedgwood, Michael Ridge, Nancy Sherman, Jonathan Dancy, and John Skorupski.
      For three pounds, you can see A C Grayling speak on Enlightenment and Counter-Enlightenment, Then and Now, at Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London.
      David Papineau presents Cultural and Biological Evolution at the Royal Institute of Philosophy in London.
      At the University of Texas, Troy Duster (NYU), David Chambers (Michigan) and Eric Tang (CAAAV) present The Miner's Canary.
      At SUNY Buffalo, Makau Mutua (UB) presents Taming Leviathan.
      At the Australian National University, a conference entitled Intellectual Property & the Life Sciences: Agriculture, Health & Trade happens today.
    Saturday, November 22
      The Cybersecurity, Research and Disclosure Conference will be happening at Stanford's Center on Internet and Society today.


Saturday, November 15, 2003
 
More on the Senate's Duty to Give Timely Advice and Consent, or Can George Bush Call the Senate Into Executive Session at the White House?
    In a post on Friday, I tentatively argued for two propositions. First, I argued that the Senate has a constitutional obligation to give the President advice and consent in a timely fashion. I argued that this duty flows from an understanding of the constitutional text and from historical evidence, particularly the views of President Washington. Second, I argued that if the Senate fails to fulfill this duty, the President retains a long-dormant power to call the Senate into session as an Executive Council and to ask each Senator for advice and consent (or nonconsent). There have been some very thoughtful reactions to my suggestions, provoking some further thoughts.
    My good friend and colleague Michael Rappaport focused on my first argument, which flows from the fact that the Constitution uses the modal verb "shall" in the relevant clause: "[The President] shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States." Rappaport observes: "This textual argument seems to suggest that the President must nominate persons to all positions that are open, but historically this has never been the understanding. Presidents have decided not to fill vacant offices for various reasons, including saving money. Certainly, there is no constitutional infirmity with the President choosing to allow offices to remain unfilled." By way of response, two observations: (1) Rappaport's argument does lie easily with the constitutional text, and I suspect that Rappaport shares my deep commitment to honoring the text where that is possible; (2) this point is not essential to the core of my argument--which is that once a nomination has been made, the Constitution imposes a duty on the Senate to give advice and to either consent to the President's nomination or express its lack of consent. This is not to say that the Senate must act immediately, or that it may not deliberate thoughtfully in difficult cases. But it is to say that the Senate may not, consistent with the language of the Constitution, simply ignore the President's nominations. The power to ignore all nominations is tantamount to the power to eliminate the executive and judicial branches of government--just as the power to tax is the power to destroy. Surely, the most reasonable reading of the constitutional text is that the Senate has an obligation to give the President advice and consent in a reasonable period of time--with the end of the Senate's session operating as an outer limit on what is reasonable.
    Rappaport concedes that the power to deplete the Supreme Court would be troublesome, but replies:
      If the President did not have a duty to make nominations, then he could dissolve the Supreme Court by refusing to appoint the Justices. This is a clever example because the Constitution establishes and appears to require the existence of a Supreme Court, but again I do not think it works. It is possible that President Washington might have been constitutionally obligated to nominate justices to the Supreme Court in order to allow the Court to sit, but that hardly suggests that Presidents are required to fill judicial offices generally. Even if there were two vacancies on the Supreme Court, it could continue to operate and therefore it is quite possible that the President would not be required to make a nomination. Certainly, that there are, let us assume, 15 vacancies out of 150 circuit court judges, imposes no obligation on the President or the Senate. The circuit courts can continue to operate with these vacancies and the Constitution does not even require the existence of lower federal courts.
    Rappaport's point is a reasonable one, but I would like to advance two very tentative arguments by way of reply. First, Rappaport's argument seems to concede that there is a constitutional duty to fill judicial offices, but to qualify that duty by reference to the vacancy rate. This is a significant concession by itself, but it leads to a further point. Second, if there is such a duty, it seems odd that it would depend on the particular vacancy rate for particular courts. The President may refuse to nominate (or more relevantly, the Congress may refuse to give advice and consent) if there are seven Justices sitting. When does the duty kick in? When 5 Justices are left? Three? One? If our choice is between a general constitutional duty to give advice and consent and a particular duty that is triggered by some number of vacancies, then it would seem that the general duty is more consonant with the text of the Constitution and with common sense. Update: Rappaport's latest post makes it clear that he does not believe that a duty to appoint or confirm exists even if the result is dissolution of the judicial branch. This reinforces my prior argument (the power not to appoint and confirm is the power to destroy), but fully answers the argument that immediately precedes this update.
    Rappaport had another marvelous argument--one that uses the resources of legal realism. Update: Rappaport's reply makes it clear that he himself is not a realist. I still think that his argument "uses the resources of legal realism," but to the extent my phraseology was misleading, I accept the helpful clarification. And here is Rappaport's argument:
      Another argument against Solum's view is the similarity between a failure to vote on a nomination and a vote that refuses to confirm. Certainly, the Senate has no obligation to confirm nominees, even if that prevents the Supreme Court from having a quorum in order to sit. Yet, the refusal to vote operates in much the same manner: a refusal to vote denies confirmation (until such time as a vote is held and the Senate chooses to confirm). If the Constitution permits the Senate to vote no, it is not at all clear why it does not allow the Senate not to vote.
    As I understand it, the essence of Rappaport's argument is that the difference between an up-or-down vote, on the one hand, and stalling (e.g. a filibuster or bottling a nomination up in committee) is merely formal and therefore without constitutional significance. Let me begin my answer by observing that I do not accept this premise as a general matter. Formalities are of constitutional significance when the Constitution requires formal acts. In the case of judicial selection, the Constitution does require "advice and consent." Perhaps the question admits of a difference of opinion, but to my ears, those words, "advice and consent," when struck by the mallet of inquiry, peal in tones both formal and substantive. That is, when the Constitution requires that the Senate give "advice and consent," it seems most reasonable to read those words as requiring more than mere silence. Of course, a deconstructionist might argue that silence is advice and that failure to vote is the functional equivalent of a vote of failure. In my most realist moments, I can almost convince myself that this is so. But then my eyes drift again to the constitutional text, and there are the words, in black and white, advice and consent, and I find myself unable to sustain the conviction that the formalities are without constitutional significance.
    Moreover, the differences between hearings followed by a vote of no and Senatorial inaction are not merely formal. The differences are also substantive. Substantive? How? There are at least three substantive differences between mere inaction and a negative vote:
      The first is a difference of timing. If the Senate stalls and delays, then the President's action is in limbo and the office goes unfilled. This might seem a mere triviality were it not for the lessons of recent experience: the Senate may stall, not just for days, not just for weeks, not just for months, but literally for years.
      The second difference is a difference of message. From a negative vote, the President may plainly infer that the Senate advises against the nominee. But what should the President infer from parliamentary tactics of delay? Not that the Senate advises against the nominee--because often that is not the case. From such tactical exercises the President does not receive one of the two things that the Senate is constitutionally obligated to give. And what is that? Advice. The Senate is constitutionally obligated to both give both advice and consent. The Constitution uses the conjunction, "and," not the disjunction, "or." So the Senate must give "advice." Perhaps, one might become convinced that saying nothing is a form of advice, but this reading of the text does not seem to be the best or more reasonable reading--even if it might count as a "possible" reading.
      The third difference is a difference of transparency. Let me say right away, that the transparency point that I am about to make does not apply to the current filibusters--which are reasonably transparent. But when the Senate fails to act on a judicial nomination because of a blueslip or other parliamentary technique that prevents the nomination from coming to the floor, it is frequently unclear just who is responsible for the failure to give advice and consent. Sometimes Senatorial stalling on judicial nominations is opaque. But we have good reasons to favor a transparent process over an opaque process--for familiar reasons of democratic legitimacy.
    Finally, Rappaport argues against my most controversial suggestion--that the President has the power to call the Senate into executive session:
      While President Washington's view is plausible, it is certainly not compelled and there are strong arguments against it. First, the Constitution states that each house shall determine the rules of its proceedings and that strongly suggests that the Senate need not allow the President to require that they meet in the White House or that they meet when he says so. Indeed, it is not clear that the Constitution even allows Congress to delegate such power to the President. Second, President Washington's view has not been followed, if it ever was, in the last 200 years. It is hard to argue that it ought to be resurrected at this late date. Given Solum's strong views on judicial precedent, this should be an especially strong argument for him (even though the practices of the Senate are not judicial precedents but legislative ones).
    As to Rappaport's first point, it is, of course, correct that the Senate may determine its own rules, but from that fact, it does not follow that the Senate has no obligations with respect to the content of those rules. President Washington's letter suggests that the Senate is constitutionally obligated to come into executive session when and where the President requires. And this brings me to Rappaport's second point. I would suggest that the history actually supports my view of the President's dormant power to call the Senate into session at a place and time of the President's choosing. Not only did President Washington, who presided over the Convention in Philadelphia, articulate the view that the President has such a power. The Senate itself, for most of its history, has recognized that Power in the form of Rule XXIX, which has long provided: "When the Senate shall be convened by the President of the United States to any other place, the Presiding Officer of the Senate and the Senators shall attend at the place appointed, with the necessary officers of the Senate."
    One final observation about this point. There should not be, I think, a general principle of constitutional desuetude. Update: Rappaport makes it clear that he is not claiming that there is such a general principle in his latest post. Constitutional powers are meant for the ages; the Constitution contains many provisions that the framers and ratifiers surely hoped would never be invoked. The Constitution contemplates invasions and insurrections, wars and threats to the republican form of government. The powers granted against improbable occurrences should not be construed to disappear simply because the constitutional machinery succeeded for some dozens or hundreds of years in fending off such unlikely calamities. If the President was granted the power to call the Senate into executive session by the Constitution of 1789, then he has that power still. Moreover, I am yet to be convinced that the Constitution may be amended by such expediencies as "transformative appointments" or "structural accommodation." Failure to exercise a power that constitutional prudence would reserve for extraordinary cases does not constitute a precedent for the nonexistence of the power when the extraordinary cases do arise.
    All of this is quite tentative, and most of all, I should like to say that I learned enormously from Michael Rappaport's most instructive post. Read Rappaport's Post!
    And also see Matthew Yglesias and Paul Jaminet.
And Rappaport's latest post is here.


 
Legal Theory Bookworm This week, the Legal Theory Bookworm recommends Eric Posner's Law and Social Norms. Eric Posner's book addresses the question, "What is the role of law in a society in which order is maintained mostly through social norms, trust, and nonlegal sanctions?" Posner's answer to this question is developed in three parts. First, he develops a model of cooperation and the production of social norms. Second, he applies the model to a variety of legal contexts, including gratuitous promises, family law, criminal law, voting, racial discrimination, and commercial contracts. Third, he explores the normative implications of his theory, discussing distributive justice, commodification, and privacy--among other topics. This is a rich book, and it defies easy summary, but I think it is an essential work for anyone who intends to do applied legal theory. Posner and other pioneered the explicit exploration of the relationship between law and social norms, and their work has been extraordinarily fruitful. Here is a tiny sample of Posner's prose from early in the book:
    What motivates the norm entrepreneur? People earn returns when they contribute to shifts in mass behavior. Corporations earn money when consumption of their products becomes a symbol of cultural competence. That is why they invest so much in shifting people's beliefs about the kind of person who wears a certain pair of sneakers, or a blouse with a certain label on it, or a car that has a distinctive hood ornament. Politicians earn the loyalty of vast groups of people when they effect a shift in behavior that benefits these people. Journalists and academics receive all the benefits of fame when their pronouncements influence millions. But norm entrepreneurship is risky precisely because one breaks a norm by challenging it. Few people take this risk, and those who do either have tastes or values that lies on the extremes of the distribution, or else have immense talent and charisma, so people cannot afford to shun them. In politics, we observe people with immense talents but ordinary tastes, people with ordinary talents but extreme tastes, and people with both immense talents and extreme tastes. The first group consists of politicians, the second of martyrs, the third of leaders and heroes.
Highly recommended!


 
Download of the Week This week, the download of the week is Steve Heyman's Ideological Conflict and the First Amendment. Here is the abstract:
    According to the prevailing view, constitutional interpretation ideally should consist in the development and application of a single, unified set of principles. This Essay challenges this position in the context of free speech jurisprudence. As the constitutional debates of 1787-91 show, the First Amendment and the Bill of Rights did not reflect a single view, but instead were intended to reconcile conflicting views on the proper relationship between liberty and government. In order to obtain the broad support necessary for adoption, the Bill of Rights was deliberately drafted on the level of general principles that could command a consensus. When the time came to apply these principles to concrete situations, however, ideological differences were bound to reemerge. Thus, the First Amendment and the Bill of Rights have always been subject to competing interpretations rooted in differing political, social, and cultural views. It follows that constitutional interpretation is best understood not as monological but as dialectical: the meaning of the Constitution emerges from a struggle between opposing positions, as well as from an effort to reconcile these positions within a more comprehensive view. The Essay then applies this dialectical approach to the classic cultural conflict over free expression - the problem of pornography. After reviewing the ongoing debate between conservatives, liberals, and radical feminists, the Essay seeks to bring these apparently incommensurable perspectives together within a common framework. This function can best be performed by a comprehensive theory of rights - a theory that is broad enough to encompass not only the rights of individuals, but also the rights of communities (which are central to the conservative view) and the rights of groups (which are important to the feminist position). Applying this analysis, the Essay concludes that individuals should enjoy broad freedom to make and view sexually oriented materials. But this protection should not extend to material that invades the rights of others. In particular, violent pornography may be banned because it violates the rights of women as a group, especially their right to recognition as human beings. Violent pornography also infringes the rights of the community as a whole, by undermining the mutual recognition that constitutes the community. In addition, the society should have the right to exclude pornography from the public sphere, to shield children from such material, and to decline to subsidize such material. Contrary to the Supreme Court's traditional doctrine, however, the community should have no general power to ban material that it considers to be obscene, for such a power is inconsistent with the autonomy of individuals to determine the content of their own thought and expression. In these ways, the rights-based approach seeks to recognize and incorporate the core values of each position: the liberal focus on autonomy, the feminist demand for equality, and the conservative concern for community.
Download it while its hot!


Friday, November 14, 2003
 
Barnett on the Filibuster Conspirator Randy Barnett has an op/ed in the New York Sun on the filibuster. Here is an excerpt:
    The Constitution often speaks in general terms in passages that do not automatically apply themselves to a particular case. Within these general terms, there is much room for judicial choice and change. In applying these more general provisions, some politics or ideology will inevitably creep into judicial decisions. In these areas, who controls the presidency and the Senate makes a big difference. When controlled by the same party, we can expect nominees to move in the direction of that party’s politics where the Constitution allows some discretion. Indeed, in the long run, this is what keeps the lifetime tenured judiciary in touch with the American electorate, and helps justify judicial review of legislation. Given that all judicial nominations inevitably will be “political” to this degree, to prevent the downward spiral in which we are now locked, senators ought to vote to confirm candidates nominated by the other party whom they believe have the required intelligence and ability to do the job of judges, and whose judicial philosophy is to follow the dictates of the Constitution, even where it cuts against a nominee’s political inclinations. Those unwilling to do so lack “judicial virtue” and are unqualified. But more than this the opposing party cannot expect.
Very interesting. Read the whole thing!


 
Machine Guns and Cannabis Brett Thomas argues that United States v. Stewart (blogged here), holding that Congress lacks commerce-clause power to criminalize homemade machineguns, would not extend to homegrown medical cannabis. Here is his argument:
    One of the main prior cases this case has to work around is Wickard v. Filburn (1942), in which it was held that Congress had the power to restrict private ownership of wheat, even wheat which was grown on one's own land, as part of regulating interstate trade in wheat. While I'm not familiar with the original case, this decision (Stewart) makes no challenge to Wickard, and instead goes to great lengths to explain why this case is different:
      [B]y crafting his own guns and working out of his own home, Stewart functioned outside the commercial gun market. His activities obviously did not increase machinegun demand. Nor can we say that Stewart's homemade machineguns reduced overall demand. Unlike wheat, for example, which is a staple commodity that Filburn would probably have had to buy, had he not grown it himself, there is no reason to think Stewart would ever have bought a machinegun from a commercial source, had he been precluded by law from building one himself.
    Given a hypothetical homegrown marijuana case (especially a medical one), I don't think a plausible argument could be made that a hypothetical defendant wouldn't have simply purchased some marijuana rather than growing it. Marijuana seems a lot more clearly analogous to the Wickard wheat case than machinegun manufacture does.
But there is a crucial difference. Wickard involved wheat fed to farm animals as part of an "economic" activity, i.e. a for-proft farm. Lopez and Morrison have already established the general principle that the Wickard cumulative effect test does not apply to noneconomic activities (e.g. the possession of Gun in Lopez and the assault in Morrison). Consumption of homegrown cannabis for personal medical reasons is not an economic activity. Homegrown marijuana for intrastate sale would be within the commerce clause power under Lopez and Morrison. Homemade machineguns for intrastate sale would also be within that commerce power.
Thomas also argues that Congress has the power to prohibit the distribution of marijuana seeds. Clearly, the rationale of Wickard, as limited by Morrison and Lopez does apply to the sale of marijuana seeds. It is not so clear that it would extend to gifts of homegrown seeds. But the main point is the power to prohibit the distribution of seeds is not the same as the power to prohibit possession and use. And because the power is not the same, the statutory provisions under which defendants could constitutionally be prosecution (or enjoined) is not the same.
Update: More from Brett Thomas.


 
Is the filibuster of judicial nominees unconstitutional? And if it is, what can be done?
    Rick Hasen reports (via Roll Call):
      Senators Lindsey Graham and Saxby Chambliss "are filing a lawsuit against the Senate in an attempt to force the Supreme Court to overrule the use of a filibuster to block a presidentÂ’s judicial nominations."
    This lawsuit is going nowhere, because the courts should properly (and will) view the question as one for the Senate itself to resolve, and hence as nonjusticiable. But justiciability is one thing, and the merits are another. So, what about the merits? There is, I think, a rather strong case to be made that the Senate has a constitutional duty to give the President advice and consent. The relevant constitutional provision is Article 2, Section 2, Clauses 2 and 3:
      [The President] shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
      The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.
    So, the relevant phrase is "he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court." One key here is the word "shall," which unambiguously establishes a Presidential duty to appoint the officers specified. That a duty is involved is also reasonably inferable from the structure of the constitution; without such a duty, Presidents would have the power to dissolve the Supreme Court by refusing to appoint "Judges of the supreme Court." And if the President has a constitutional duty to appoint, then surely the Senate has a constitutional duty to give advice and consent.
    If there is a duty to give advice and consent, then is there a further duty to give such advice and consent in a timely fashion? This question all but answers itself. Surely the Senate cannot fulfill its duty to give the President advice and consent by delaying indefinitely. Rather, the most reasonable interpretation of the Senate's duty is that the Senate must give advice and consent within a reasonable time. What is the outer limit? That, of course, is a difficult question. The structure of the constitution does, however, suggest that the outer limit is the end of the Senate's session--once that limit is reached, the President's recess appointments power comes into effect.
    And what about a filibuster? The Senate's cloture rule is not mandated by the constitution; it is an internal rule of the Senate. May the Senate adopt rules that disable the Senate from carrying out a constitutional duty? Arguably not. The constitutional duty to give timely advice and consent arguably entails a duty to adopt rules of procedure that give reasonable assurance that the duty may be fulfilled. A rule that allows a minority of the Senate to delay confirmation of a nominee for judicial office indefinitely is arguably a rule of procedure that is inconsistent with the Senate's duty to give timely advice and consent.
    The notion that the Senate has a duty to give timely advice and consent is reinforced by George Washington's letter to the Senate Committee on Treaties and Nominations of 10 Aug. 1789. Here is what he wrote:
      The President has the "power by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties and to appoint Officers." The Senate when these powers are exercised, is evidently a Council only to the President, however [necessary] its concurrence may be to his Acts. It seems incident to this relation between them, that not only the time but the place and manner of consultation should be with the President. It is probable that the place may vary. The indisposition or inclination of the President may require, that the Senate should be summoned to the President's House. Whenever the Government shall have buildings of its own, an executive Chamber will no doubt be provided, where the Senate will generally attend the President. It is not impossible that the place may be made to depend in some degree on the nature of the business. In the appointment to offices, the agency of the Senate is purely executive, and they may be summoned to the President. In treaties, the agency is perhaps as much of a legislative nature and the business may possibly be referred to their deliberations in their legislative chamber. The occasion for this distinction will be lessened, if not destroyed, when a chamber shall be appropriated for the joint business of the President and the Senate. The manner of consultation may also vary. The indisposition of the President may supersede the mere question of conveniency. The inclination or ideas of different Presidents may be different. The opinions both of President and Senators as to the proper manner may be changed by experience. In some kinds of business it may be found best for the President to make his propositions orally and in person, in others by written message. On some occasions it may be most convenient that the President should attend the deliberations and decisions on his propositions; on others that he should not; or that he should not attend the whole of the time. In other cases again, as in Treaties of a complicated nature, it may happen that he will send his propositions in writing and consult the Senate in person after time shall have been allowed for consideration. Many other varieties may be suggested as to the mode, by practice. If these remarks be just, it would seem not amiss, that the Senate should accommodate their rules to the uncertainty of the particular mode and place that may be preferred; providing for the reception of either oral [or] written propositions, and for giving their consent and advice in either the presence or absence of the President, leaving him free to use the mode and place that may be found most eligible and accordant with other business which may be before him at the time.
    Washington's understanding was that the timing of advice and consent was within the power of the President, because the Senate, when it acts in this capacity, is an "executive council," and indeed the advice and consent language is borrowed from language defining the role of the privy council in Great Britain. Of course, Washington did not press the point, and the Senate met in its own chamber when it gave advice and consent. But Washington's understanding is nonetheless instructive on the question at hand--whether the Senate has a duty to give the President advice and consent in a timely fashion.
    If the Senate fulfills that duty of its own accord, by giving the President timely advice and consent, then constitutional prudence would suggest that Presidents should not press the point--that they should allow the Senate to fulfill its duty in the manner of its choosing. But what if the Senate fails to fulfill its duty? What if the Senate allows months to pass without acting on a Presidential nomination?
    Here is one possibility. The Presidential power to call the Senate into session as an executive council, although dormant, has not been exterminated. (Update: Indeed, such a power seems to be explicitly recognized by Senate Rule XXIX, which provides, "When the Senate shall be convened by the President of the United States to any other place, the Presiding Officer of the Senate and the Senators shall attend at the place appointed, with the necessary officers of the Senate.") If the Senate will not fulfill its constitutional duty to give advice and consent in a timely fashion in a manner of its own choosing, then the President may exercise his power to call the Senate to the executive offices (the White House) and ask for advice and consent in a reasonable manner of his choosing. So the President might choose to ask each Senator, seriatim, for the Senator's advice with respect to a judicial nominee and after that advice is given, the President could then ask the Senator for her consent.
    But what if the Senators refuse to heed the President's call, what then? One possibility is that the President would compel the Senators to attend, an unattractive option. Another possibility is that if a quorum of the Senate does not appear a duly notice executive session, the Senate is then in "recess" for the purposes of the recess appointments clause and the President may fill the vacancy.
    So the picture looks like this. The Senate has a constitutional duty to give the President timely advice and consent. If the Senate is willing to fulfill that duty, then constitutional prudence suggests that the President should allow the Senate to do so in a manner of its own choosing. But if the Senate refuses to fulfill the duty, then the President may exercise his long-dormant power to call the Senate into session as an executive council. If the Senate appears, then the President may seek and the Senators must give, advice and consent (or nonconsent as the case may be). If the Senate does not appear, then the Senate is in recess and the President may fill the vacancy will a recess appointment that expires at the end of the Senate's next session.
    What do you thinK?

Update: Comments from Matthew Yglesias, Paul Jaminet and Michael Rappaport (whose post is absolutely essential reading).
Further update: For my reply to Rappaport, scroll up or click here.


 
Roundtable on Law and Religion at the University of San Diego At the University of San Diego's Institute for Law and Philosophy, the Roundtable on Religion. The participants include Stanley Fish, (Illinois, Chicago) and Michael Perry (Emory).


 
Dual Enforcement of Constitutional Norms at William & Mary William and Mary School of Law is hosting a conference entitled Dual Enforcement of Constitutional Norms on this Friday, November 14. Chief Justice Rehnquist will be the keynote speaker; other participants include Dan Rodriguez (University of San Diego).


 
Rubin on Compliance at Buffalo At SUNY Buffalo, Ed Rubin (Penn) presents Rethinking Politics and Law for the Administrative State: From Legitimacy to Compliance.


 
Primo on Budget Legislation at Temple At George Mason's Philosophy, Politics, and Economics series, David Primo (Politics, University of Rochester) presents Open vs. Closed Rules in Budget Legislation: A Result and an Application.


 
Greenfield on Internal Affairs at UCLA At UCLA, Kent Greenfield (Boston College School of Law) presents The Undemocratic Centerpiece of Corporate Law: The Internal Affairs Doctrine".


 
Conference at William and Mary Today: Dual Enforcement of Constitutional Norms
    William and Mary School of Law is hosting a conference entitled Dual Enforcement of Constitutional Norms on this Friday, November 14.
    Are state and federal constitutional law separate and distinct systems of law, each with its own doctrines, traditions, and dominant norms? If not, how are they related? This conference will bring leading academics together with distinguished federal and state judges to address the question of whether and to what extent state and federal constitutional law may profitably be understood as complementary features of a shared project of elaborating and enforcing constitutional norms.
    The Honorable William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice of the United States, will deliver the keynote address. This conference is co-sponsored by the National Center for State Courts and the Conference of Chief Justices.
    PARTICIPANTS:
      The Honorable Shirley S. Abrahamson, Chief Justice, Wisconsin Supreme Court Lynn A. Baker, University of Texas James A. Gardner, State University of New York at Buffalo The Honorable Leroy R. Hassell, Sr., Chief Justice, Supreme Court of Virginia The Honorable Hans A. Linde, Willamette University College of Law, Oregon Supreme Court (ret.) The Honorable Ellen Ash Peters, University of Connecticut, Connecticut Supreme Court (ret.) Robert J. Pushaw, Jr., Pepperdine University The Honorable William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice of the United States Daniel B. Rodriguez, University of San Diego Jim Rossi Florida State University Lawrence G. Sager, University of Texas Robert Schapiro, Emory University The Honorable Randall T. Shepard, Chief Justice, Indiana Supreme Court Michael E. Solimine, University of Cincinnati Robert F. Williams, Rutgers University - Camden The Honorable Roger L. Wollman, United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit


 
Christopher on the Prosecutor's Dilemma Russell Christopher (University of Tulsa College of Law) has posted The Prosecutor's Dilemma: Bargains and Punishments (Fordham Law Review, Vol. 72, October 2003) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Unlike consequentialists, retributivists condemn bargain justice - plea bargains and immunity deals - as violating a number of conditions of just punishment. While the difficulties prosecutor-initiated bargaining poses for prisoners in a consequentialist system of criminal justice is well known under the rubric of the prisoner's dilemma, this Article introduces the difficulties prisoner-initiated bargaining poses for prosecutors in a retributivist system of criminal justice. Applying four central principles of retributivism to a prisoner-initiated proposal offering inculpatory testimony on the prisoner's confederates in exchange for immunity demonstrates that each principle paradoxically requires, and is violated by, both acceptance and nonacceptance of the offer. Retributivism's conflicting principles generate a moral dilemma - the Prosecutor's Dilemma - in which no matter what a prosecutor does in response to the offer, retributivism's principles will be violated. According to the means preferred by retributivists themselves to resolve conflicts among principles, the Prosecutor's Dilemma is to be resolved by not accepting the offer and punishing neither the prisoner nor her confederates. Though perhaps theoretically sound, the resolution is a practical disaster. It allows prisoners to self-immunize merely by tendering a dilemmatic immunity offer. While the resolution perhaps reduces retributivism to the point of absurdity by disabling retributivism from justifying punishment of either the prisoner or her confederates, without the resolution of the Prosecutor's Dilemma retributivism remains internally inconsistent. As a result, the Prosecutor's Dilemma supplies an indirect defense of bargain justice.
This was a lot of fun to read. Here is the hypo that the paper revolves around:
    In the Prosecutor’s Dilemma, suppose only one member of a group of three culpable wrongdoers who have committed a serious crime is apprehended by the authorities. All three deserve the same degree of punishment because each committed the same wrongdoing with the same culpability. The one culpable wrongdoer in custody (the “One”) offers to inculpate the other two (the “Two”) in exchange for immunity from prosecution and punishment. The Two cannot be apprehended (or convicted and punished) without the One’s inculpatory information and testimony. If the offer is accepted, two culpable wrongdoers will be convicted and receive their just deserts, but one will not. If the offer is not accepted, at most one culpable wrongdoer will be convicted and receive her just deserts, but at least two will not.
You can see where the argument will go! But I am not sure that I agree with the article's conclusion. Isn't there are straightforward retributivist case for punishing the "One" under these circumstances? From a deontological perspective, isn't the fact that the two will escape punishment as a consequence of the act of the One not determinative of the duty of the prosecutor? Download it while it's hot!


 
Fourteenth Amendment at Temple
    At Temple University, the Temple Political & Civil Rights Law Review is hosting a conference entitled Vision and Revision: Exploring the History, Evolution and Future of the Fourteenth Amendment. Ted Shaw, Akhil Amar, Erwin Chemerinsky, Sylvia Law and many others will be presenting. Here are the relevant details: Friday, November 14, 12:45 pm ­ 6:00pm cocktail hour and 7:00pm Dinner and Keynote Saturday, November 15, 8:45 am ­ 5:30pm 10CLE Credits $175 for CLE Credit $125 for CLE Credit if Temple Law Alumni Association member $115 without CLE Credit $70 without CLE Credit if Temple Law Alumni Association member Register with GWEN DEAL as soon as possible at 215-204-8985 or Gwendolyn.deal@temple.edu For more information: http://www.temple.edu/tpcrlr/


 
Berkowitz on Habeas Roger Berkowitz (Benjamin Cardozo School of Law) has posted Error-Centricity, Habeas Corpus and The Rule of Law as The Law of Rulings on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This article begins with an historical observation, that until recently error wasnot considered a problem in criminal law. Today, however, an elaborate system of appellatecourts and extraordinary means of post-conviction relief have been adopted to root out errorfrom legal verdicts. This article asks what law's relatively newfound concern with errorreveals about the changing nature of truth and justice in modern society. By asking howerror comes to be understood within habeas corpus jurisprudence, the article explores themodern legal understanding of truth and justice as objectivity and fairness.


Thursday, November 13, 2003
 
Big News on the Commerce Clause: United States v. Stewart The new Commerce Clause jurisprudence (Lopez and Morrison) comes home to roost in the Ninth Circuit's pathbreaking decision today that holds that the federal government may not ban a homemade machine gun. Here is a link to the PDF file. (Via Volokh.) Here are the two key paragraphs of the opinion:
    We start by considering the first and fourth prongs of the Morrison test, as we have deemed them the most important. See McCoy, 323 F.3d at 1119. The first prong is not satisfied here. Possession of a machinegun is not, without more, economic in nature. Just like the statute struck down in Lopez, section 922(o) “is a criminal statute that by its terms has nothing to do with ‘commerce’ or any sort of economic enterprise, however broadly one might define those terms.” Lopez, 514 U.S at 561. Unlike in Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111 (1942), where growing wheat in one’s backyard could be seen as a means of saving money that would otherwise have been spent in the open market, a homemade machinegun may be part of a gun collection or may be crafted as a hobby. Or it may be used for illegal purposes. Whatever its intended use, without some evidence that it will be sold or transferred—and there is none here—its relationship to interstate commerce is highly attenuated.
    Moreover, the regulation itself does not have an economic purpose: whereas the statute in Wickard was enacted primarily to control the market price of wheat, id. at 115, there is no evidence that section 922(o) was enacted to regulate commercial aspects of the machinegun business. More likely, section 922(o) was intended to keep machineguns out of the hands of criminals—an admirable goal, but not a commercial one.
And one more important paragraph from later in the opinion:
    This case fails Morrison’s other requirements as well.
    As we stated earlier, section 922(o) contains no jurisdictional element anchoring the prohibited activity to interstate commerce. Congress also failed to make any legislative findings when it enacted the statute. While neither Lopez nor Morrison requires Congress to make findings every time it passes a law under its Commerce Clause power, the Supreme Court did note the importance of findings where—as here—such findings would “enable [a court] to evaluate the legislative judgment that the activity in question substantially affected interstate commerce, even though no such substantial effect was visible to the naked eye.” Lopez, 514 U.S. at 563.
The implications are staggering. Here is one: Homegrown marijuana would seem directly analagous to homemade machineguns. And in fact, the Ninth Circuit has a homegrown medical marijuana case pending now. Wow!
For more on the implications for medical marijuana, scroll up or click here.


 
Why Did Tom Harkin Watch The Bachelor Last Night?
    Tom Harkin remarked yesterday that he would be watching The Bachelor, ignoring the Republic protest against the Democratic filibuster of a few Bush nominees. Why was Harkin relaxing while the Republican caucus was up at the wee hours of the night? Because the 24/7 tactic for breaking a filibuster is doomed to failure. The filibustering party need have only one Senator or the floor to maintain the filibuster; the party opposing the filibuster must maintain a quorum, which currently means the entire Republican caucus. So why are the Republicans engaging in a symbolic protest, a sort of Senatorial sit in?
    Bill Frist was not watching The Bachelor last night--he was at the sit in. Yesterday, Frist had an op/ed in the Washington Times. Here is a taste:
      Over the past year, a Senate minority has used the filibuster for the first time in history to deny a bipartisan majority of senators their right to vote on judicial nominees. While majorities have delayed judges in the past, through the majority's delegation to the Judiciary Committee, votes on judges have never before been blocked by a minority.
      Of course, the debate is more than about mere Senate procedure. The minority is amending the people's Constitution without the people's assent. The reason for this is now well-known. Senate liberals have sought, with increasing intensity, to politicize not just the confirmation process but the courts themselves.
      In pursuing this course, liberal Democrats are threatening the legitimacy of America's courts. That legitimacy comes from much more than black robes and a high bench. It comes from the people's belief that judges will apply the law or the Constitution without regard to personal politics.
      Rather than seeking to determine the judiciousness of a nominee and whether a nominee will be able to rule without bias, liberal Democrats are out to guarantee that our judges are, in fact, biased against some and in favor of others. In the America that would result, citizens will have to worry about the personal politics of the judge to whom they come for justice.
    Of course, some Democrats will make virtually the same charge in reply, arguing that they all they want is qualified judges who will follow the law and arguing that the Republican nominees are political ideologues who will vote a political agenda and disregard the law. But not all Democrats have taken this line. Senator Charles Schumer has been remarkably frank in offering a legal realist (dare we say Critical Legal Studies?) analysis of the judicial selection process. Consider the following report from the Harvard Crimson:
      On Friday, Schumer echoed and intensified the message of a controversial June 2001 New York Times Op-ed, where he argued that the Senate should consider appointees’ ideology as part of “its responsibility to advise and consent.”
    And,
      Schumer said he considers three criteria when looking at a nominee: legal excellence, ideology and diversity. With respect to ideology, he added that judges should be moderate and aim to interpret rather than make law.
    There is, you will notice, an interesting tension within Schumer's remarks. On the one hand, he believes that political ideology is the key to the judicial selection process. When Schumer spoke in the Spring at hearings on the Republican proposal to limit filibusters of judicial nominees, he was even more frank about this--arguing that judicial decisions are driven by political views and not by the rules laid down. On the other hand, Schumer is afraid of being too frank about his commitment to the ideological selection of judges, mouthing the formalist line that judges should "interpret rather than make law."
    Neither Schumer nor the Republicans can have it both ways. Of course, you can try to maintain that when decisions go your way, judges are just following the law, but when they go your opponent's way, the decisions must be the result of politics. But that is simply deception and hypocrisy. In my opinion, Schumer's less public remarks reveal his true position. Charles Schumer sees the judicial confirmation process as a struggle for political power. Many on the Republican side of the aisle agree with his diagnosis. But my guess is that many Democrats and Republicans do not agree with the proposition that judges should vote their political preferences. Many on both sides of the aisle still believe that judges should follow the rules laid down and that politicized judging does real damage to the rule of law. Unfortunately, those who advocate the rule of law are finding it more and more difficult to defend this position against the charge that it is pie in the sky. More and more, sophisticated voices maintain that the downward spiral of politicization is now irreversible. Indeed, it appears that both sides now understand the judicial selection process as a prisoner's dilemma. If the Democrats support the rule of law and select formalist judges, then the Republicans can go political, gaining an edge in the third branch. And vice versa, if the Republicans go formalist, then the Democrats can go political. What each party fears most is playing the fool, allowing the other side unilaterally to stack the bench with politicized judges. The outcome of the prisoner's dilemma has been an escalating battle over the judicial selection process, and we have now reached the stage where Democrats are filibustering multiple nominees and the Republicans are talking about going nuclear (using parliamentary maneuvers to eliminate the filibuster option on judicial nominees) or mass recess appointments.
    But where does a downward spiral of politicization end? What happens when we complete the conceptual reorientation and see judging as a mere extension of ordinary politics? Nothing good. The bottom of a downward spiral of politicization is a thoroughly politicized judiciary. We know what that looks like. It exists in odd corners of the United States, where lawyers know that winning--even in a run-of-the-mill tort case--is almost entirely a function of how much you have contributed to the local political machine. A thouroughly politicized judiciary is the norm in much of the third world, and the result is that the transparency required for well-functioning markets cannot be achieved--at enormous costs in human welfare. In a thoroughly politicized judiciary, every case is a patronage opportunity or a chance to score political points.
    Tom Harkin watched The Bachelor last night. But did he sleep peacefully, his dreams untroubled by the damage that both parties have done to the rule of law? I hope not.
Update: More on Judicial Selection, from Will Baude, John Rosenberg, Stuart Buck, Josh Chafetz, Randy Barnett, Brett Marston, the Curmudgeonly Clerk (guest blogging at Crescat Sententia), Matthew Yglesias, Rick Hasen, Tung Yin and Stephen Bainbridge (most recently here, but also here and here). And for comic relief, try Anthony Rickey & Roger Payne.


 
Fleming on Originalism at Yale At Yale's Legal Theory Workshop, James Fleming (Fordham) presents Are We All Originalists Now? I Hope Not!. This should be good! Fleming is taking on what he calls,
    "'the originalist premise,' the assumption that the best conception of constitutional interpretation simply has to be a form of originalism: old or new, narrow or broad, concrete or abstract, if only we could articulate the right version of originalism.


 
Okin on Multiculturalism & Feminism at NYU At NYU's Colloquium in Legal, Political and Social Philosophy, Professor Susan Moller Okin (Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study & Stanford University, Department of Political Science) presents Multiculturalism and Feminism: No Simple Question, No Simple Answers.


 
Brooks on Covenants & Conventions at Michigan At the University of Michigan's Law and Economic series, Richard Brooks (Yale) presents Covenants & Conventions.


 
Jaworska on Moral Psychology at Princeton At Princeton's Political Philosophy Colloquium, Agnieszka Jaworska (Stanford University) presents Moral Psychology in Practice: Lessons from Alzheimer's Disease and the "Terrible Twos".


 
Teson on Global Justice and Free Trade at FSU At Florida State University, Fernando Teson (FSU) presents Global Justice and Free Trade.


 
Meurer on Patent Claim Scope at BU At Boston University, Michael Meurer presents Invention, Refinement and Patent Claim Scope: A New Perspective on the Doctrine of Equivalents.


 
American Society for Legal History Today through November 16, the Annual Meeting of the American Society for Legal History, takes place in Washington, DC. Here is a the website & here is the program.


 
Conference Today: The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds Today through the 15th, at New York Law School:
    The State of Play: Law, Games, and Virtual Worlds November 13-15, 2003 http://www.nyls.edu A Conference Sponsored By Institute for Information Law and Policy at New York Law School and Information Society Project at Yale Law School to be held at New York Law School in New York City From the international Olympics to football pools, communities, both public and private cohere through games. All cultures play. Games reflect our fantasies and reinforce our values. We spend much of our time playing games that immerse us in the world and values of a game designer and inculcate the norms of imagined cultures. With the advent of digital technologies, some games have become multimedia but often solitary and isolating experiences of play, the refuge of "anti-social geeks.” Other computer games have evolved into networked games where any number of participants can play together within the framework and rules of the game. Even those who rarely play multimedia computer games can play networked versions of bridge, cards and other traditional games in cyberspace. Now, with the launch of massive multiplayer on-line gaming, electronic games have gained an even broader reach. A vast number of participants can play together in a game space and the rules of play are dynamic and evolving. The new environments of electronic games, especially those that are massively multiplayer, are not just gamespaces; they are cultures unto themselves. Like real societies, they grow and evolve as their members create rules and norms. Some norms in games are cooperative and democratic, others are dictatorial and dystopic. This interdisciplinary conference will examine the state of play today in an effort to understand the phenomenon of digital games and the virtual worlds they create and to discuss the complex social, psychological, and legal issues to which they give rise.


 
Gilson and Kraakman Twenty Years Later Ronald J. Gilson and Reinier Kraakman (Stanford Law School and Harvard Law School) have posted The Mechanisms of Market Efficiency Twenty Years Later: The Hindsight Bias on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Twenty years ago we published a paper, "The Mechanisms of Market Efficiency," that sought to describe the institutional underpinnings of price formation in the securities market. Since that time, financial economics has moved forward on many fronts. The sub-discipline of behavioral finance has struggled to bring yet more descriptive realism to the study of financial markets. Two important questions are (1) how much has this new discipline changed our understanding of the efficiency and nature of the institutional mechanisms that set price in financial markets; and (2) how far does this discipline carry novel implications for the regulation of financial markets or corporate behavior more generally? We argue that, despite its heavy reliance on the psychology of cognitive bias, the principal contribution of behavioral finance is to enrich our understanding of market institutions rather than to present us with a fundamentally new paradigm of market behavior. In particular, the cognitive limitations of individual investors or noise traders are likely to matter to pricing behavior to the extent that they interact with - and are not offset by - the arbitrage mechanism in the market. The most important contribution of behavioral finance lies in sharpening our understanding of the limitations of the arbitrage mechanism. Even when cognitive bias does not have clear implications for securities prices, however, it may have important implications for policy. These implications are unlikely to arise in the area of corporate takeovers, as some have claimed, but they do arise in areas akin to consumer protection, as where cognitive bias might lead unsophisticated investors to construct dangerously undiversified retirement portfolios.


 
Setear on International Evolution John K. Setear (University of Virginia School of Law) has posted Taking Both Biology and International Law Seriously: Evolutionary Biology, Neo-Realist Theories of International Relations, and the Promise(s) of International Law on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Borrowing from theories of evolutionary biology and natural selection, neo-realist theorists of international relations assert that states in the international system must either conduct rational, egoistic foreign policies or perish. This paper argues that these neo-realist arguments are misguided. Both logic and empirical evidence undermines the neo-realist claim that low rates of state "death" show high selection pressure in the international system. Furthermore, neo-realist arguments are inconsistent with theories of evolutionary biology concerned with small populations ("genetic drift"), with extinctions concentrated in space and time ("puncutated equilbrium"), and with the fittest mode of reproduction (sexual vs. asexual) in complex and interdependent environments. The shortcomings of neo-realist theories of international relations leave plenty of scope for international law as one method among many viable methods of international cooperation.
Interesting, sounds like Setear must be right. Just off the cuff, it does strike me as quite a stretch to argue that evolutionary biology has much to teach us about international relations. In evolutionary biology, there are well understood microfoundations (DNA + natural selection) for evolutionary explanations. In international relations, there may be "state death," but there is no "evolutionary mechanism," i.e. not mechansim by favorable adaptions are passed on by parent states to child states. Enough kibbitzing, download the paper!


 
Baird and Rasmussen on the Conceptual Foundations of Corporate Reorganizations Douglas G. Baird and Robert K. Rasmussen (University of Chicago Law School and Vanderbilt University School of Law) have posted Control Rights, Priority Rights, and the Conceptual Foundations of Corporate Reorganizations (published in Virginia Law Review, Vol. 87, pp. 921-959, September 2001) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Modern Chapter 11 places control decisions in the hands of the bankruptcy judge and insists on rigid adherence to absolute priority in all cases. In both respects, modern Chapter 11 departs sharply from the equity receivership. The equity receivership governed the reorganization of railroads and other large firms in the 19th Century, and it was fashioned in a way that strongly suggests that it vindicated the creditors' bargain. This paper suggests that, when a speedy auction of the firm is not possible, these twin principles of the equity receivership continue to make sense. When the managers and shareholders cannot be easily separated, control rights should lie in the hands of someone whose loyalties are aligned with the creditors, but the reorganization itself should not affect the value of the managers' equity interest. To use the language of the equity receivership, the "relative priority" of their interests should be preserved. The focus of modern scholarship on the absolute priority rule neglects the question of who controls the assets during the reorganization. It also fails to take account of the role that existing manager/shareholders will play in firms that possess going concern value and cannot be resold in the market. In this environment, the absolute priority rule triggers costly renegotiations that may yield no off-setting advantages over the relative priority rule.


 
Chin on the Little-Known Repeal of Section 2 of the 14th Amendment Gabriel J. Chin (University of Arizona - James E. Rogers College of Law) has posted Reconstruction and the Right to Vote: Did the Fifteenth Amendment Repeal Section 2 of the Fourteenth? (Georgetown Law Journal, Forthcoming) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Designed to promote African American suffrage, the second sentence of Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment reduces congressional representation of states disenfranchising male citizens over 21 who have not been convicted of crimes. During Jim Crow, many former Confederate states denied the vote to African Americans, yet none ever lost a seat in Congress under Section 2. This paper proposes that one reason Section 2 was never used is because it was repealed by the Fifteenth Amendment. The fundamental inconsistency between the provisions is that Section 2 recognized state authority to deny the vote to African Americans while the Fifteenth Amendment removed that power. As a matter of remedy, Section 2 reduced congressional representation and allowed the discrimination to continue, while the Fifteenth Amendment employed the quite different remedy of actually allowing African Americans to cast ballots. Section 2 cannot be an alternative remedy to the Fifteenth Amendment; a court finding unconstitutional disenfranchisement has no discretion to allow it to continue if it reduces the offending state's basis of representation in Congress. Section 2 cannot offer a concurrent remedy; enfranchisement plus reduction of the basis of representation would reward the discriminated-against group with a diluted vote. Section 2 cannot be recast as a provisional remedy, because Congress has power under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to regulate, enjoin and invalidate elections in ways beyond Section 2, without Section 2's built-in limitations, exceptions and restrictions. In sum, the Fifteenth Amendment covers more elections and persons than Section 2 of the Fourteenth, and offers stronger remedies. That the Fifteenth Amendment does everything Section 2 could do and more both demonstrates that Section 2 was impliedly repealed and explains why it was never invoked. (Section 2 could survive if it applied to non-racial restrictions on the franchise, but the Supreme Court cases rejecting this construction are correct. One reason to read Section 2 narrowly in spite of its broad language: The Constitution is traditionally discreet about race; indeed, the apportionment provision of the original Constitution replaced by Section 2 referred to slaves as "all other persons."). Although never enforced, Section 2 is tremendously important to modern voting rights law. Section 2's penalty is inapplicable to disenfranchisement based on commission of "rebellion or other crime." In Richardson v. Ramirez in 1974, the Supreme Court declined to apply strict scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause of Section 1. The Court did not use Section 2 simply as evidence of the views of the states and Congress; this would have been insufficient because strict scrutiny had invalidated almost all state voting restrictions, including ones widely accepted when the Fourteenth Amendment was passed. Instead, the Court held that Section 2 textually authorized felon disenfranchisement, obviating the possibility of considering its validity under Section 1. This paper proposes that Richardson should be reexamined, because it rests on a provision no longer in force.


Wednesday, November 12, 2003
 
More on Recess Appointments Randy Barnett has an impressive post on the Conspiracy. Stephen Bainbridge analogizes the current standoff to a game of chicken. Pejman Yousefzadeh also has an excellent post. My post post from earlier today can be found here.
Bainbridge argues that the Senate Democratic filibuster is heading at high speed towards the Republican 30 hour minimarathon. Who will swerve?
    How do you win a chicken game? If I am one of the drivers, I need to convince the other drive that I am not going to swerve. In his book The Strategy of Conflict, Thomas Schelling suggests a precommitment strategy: i.e., "the power through binding oneself." In order to convince the other driver that I will not swerve, I need to use a precommitment device. What then do I do? The classic answer is that I make a big deal out of visibly throwing my steering wheel out the window. If I'm right that the chicken game is a useful model for the nomination impasse, the task (for others with more expertise in con law and senate procedures than I) is to figure out the equivalent of throwing the steering wheel out the window. I don't know whether recess appointments is the answer, but I'm reasonably sure this lame 30 hour marathon wouldn't make Potsie Weber swerve, let alone the Fonz.
Bainbridge is right. Not even 30 days of filibuster would cause the Democrats to back off the filibuster. How about massive use of the recess appointments power? Maybe. But here is a problem. Recess appointments of intellectually able conservatives and libertarians would certainly bother Senate Democrats, but it will also bother the Democratic base, and it is not clear that the Democrats will view this as a net negative--especially if their chances of ousting Bush in 2004 look decent (or better than decent). Suppose, then, that the Democrats do not swerve. What then? Well, there is no equivalent of a head on collision. Filibusters combined with recess appointments will not lead to some kind of melt down. Rather, one would expect that the Democrats would search for a retaliatory move. And what might that be? Well, it is obvious, isn't it? The Democrats will filibuster every Republican nominee. And what is the natural coutermove? More recess appointments. But now we are on the verge of a constitutional crisis and in the middle of an election year. That would be exciting indeed! Neither side may relish this scenario; so then we have come round back to Bainbridge's question: Who will blink first? Any guesses?


 
Goelzhauser is Back . . . with his own blog, at the old address. He continues to blog at En Banc--which, by the way, is a marvelous blog.


 
Two By Heyman I always enjoy and learn from the work of Steve Heyman, who has two new papers up on SSRN today:
    Spheres of Autonomy: Reforming the Content Neutrality Doctrine in First Amendment Jurisprudence (William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal, Vol. 10, p. 647, 2002):
      In recent decades, the doctrine of content neutrality has become the cornerstone of First Amendment jurisprudence. In the leading case of Police Department v. Mosley (1972), the Supreme Court declared that speech may "never" be regulated because of its content, for that would be "the essence of . . . censorship." If this view were taken literally, however, it would disable government from regulating speech even when necessary to prevent serious injury to individuals or society. In response to this concern, the Court has carved out several exceptions to the neutrality doctrine. Yet the Justices have never succeeded in explaining the rationale for these exceptions, or in squaring them with the general principle of content neutrality. As a result, the Court’s First Amendment opinions often seem arbitrary and unpersuasive. Far from illuminating free speech problems, the doctrine of content neutrality, when taken as the central concern of the First Amendment, only makes them more obscure. The time has come to reconsider the content neutrality doctrine. In this Essay, I argue that content neutrality is an important element of free speech jurisprudence, but that it should not be regarded as "the first principle of the First Amendment." Instead, it should be understood within a broader normative framework. The neutrality doctrine is rooted in an underlying conception of autonomy. When individuals act within the scope of their own autonomy, government may not intrude into this realm by regulating the content of thought or expression. Nor may government interfere with the collective autonomy of citizens by imposing unjustified restrictions on public debate. Some acts of speech, however, should be regarded as invading the autonomy or rights of others. In such cases, the rationale for content neutrality no longer holds; in regulating speech, the government is not invading the autonomy of speakers, listeners, or the community, but instead is protecting the rightful freedom of others. After developing this view, the Essay explores the shortcomings of content neutrality when it is treated as the central principle of the First Amendment, divorced from the normative framework that is developed here. Focusing on judicial efforts to deal with hate speech in R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul and with pornography in American Booksellers Association v. Hudnut, I argue that the courts’ increasing reliance on the content discrimination doctrine to resolve difficult First Amendment problems only obscures the crucial substantive issues at stake, and leads to hypertechnical decisions that are inaccessible to the public. This approach not only gives short shrift to other values affected by speech, it also fails to persuasively articulate and defend the values that underlie the First Amendment itself. Finally, the Essay discusses how the theory and doctrine of content neutrality should be reformed in order to avoid these difficulties while preserving its legitimate role in First Amendment jurisprudence.
    Ideological Conflict and the First Amendment:
      According to the prevailing view, constitutional interpretation ideally should consist in the development and application of a single, unified set of principles. This Essay challenges this position in the context of free speech jurisprudence. As the constitutional debates of 1787-91 show, the First Amendment and the Bill of Rights did not reflect a single view, but instead were intended to reconcile conflicting views on the proper relationship between liberty and government. In order to obtain the broad support necessary for adoption, the Bill of Rights was deliberately drafted on the level of general principles that could command a consensus. When the time came to apply these principles to concrete situations, however, ideological differences were bound to reemerge. Thus, the First Amendment and the Bill of Rights have always been subject to competing interpretations rooted in differing political, social, and cultural views. It follows that constitutional interpretation is best understood not as monological but as dialectical: the meaning of the Constitution emerges from a struggle between opposing positions, as well as from an effort to reconcile these positions within a more comprehensive view. The Essay then applies this dialectical approach to the classic cultural conflict over free expression - the problem of pornography. After reviewing the ongoing debate between conservatives, liberals, and radical feminists, the Essay seeks to bring these apparently incommensurable perspectives together within a common framework. This function can best be performed by a comprehensive theory of rights - a theory that is broad enough to encompass not only the rights of individuals, but also the rights of communities (which are central to the conservative view) and the rights of groups (which are important to the feminist position). Applying this analysis, the Essay concludes that individuals should enjoy broad freedom to make and view sexually oriented materials. But this protection should not extend to material that invades the rights of others. In particular, violent pornography may be banned because it violates the rights of women as a group, especially their right to recognition as human beings. Violent pornography also infringes the rights of the community as a whole, by undermining the mutual recognition that constitutes the community. In addition, the society should have the right to exclude pornography from the public sphere, to shield children from such material, and to decline to subsidize such material. Contrary to the Supreme Court's traditional doctrine, however, the community should have no general power to ban material that it considers to be obscene, for such a power is inconsistent with the autonomy of individuals to determine the content of their own thought and expression. In these ways, the rights-based approach seeks to recognize and incorporate the core values of each position: the liberal focus on autonomy, the feminist demand for equality, and the conservative concern for community.
Download them while thier hot!


 
Recess Appointment for Pickering? Or Bork?? Courtesy of Rick Hasen (Election Law Blog), the Hill is reporting that Republican Senators are urging Bush to use the recess appointments power to circumvent Democratic filibusters of Bush's nominees to the United States Courts of Appeals:
    Some key Republican senators want President Bush to to overcome Democratic filibusters by appointing conservative judges to the federal circuit courts when the Senate recesses. While the White House is so far taking a cautious approach toward the idea, the president is believed to be open to this approach. While federal judges are named for life, a recess appointment would expire at the end of 2004 unless the Senate acted on the stalled nominations. If Bush went along, his action could be viewed as an escalation in the partisan battle over judicial nominees that has already bogged down the Senate this week and endangers the prospect of a pre-Thanksgiving adjournment.
Interestingly, the Hill also reports that Bush offered Miguel Estrada a recess appointment, which was turned down. Most interesting of all, however, is this tidbit from the story:
    An alternative to appointing nominees such as Pickering, Bush could appoint ultra-conservative alternates to fill vacancies on the bench. Such substitutes might make the blocked nominees seem less controversial by comparison. “You could also fill the positions with interim appointments who could step aside [when blocked nominees clear the Senate.]” said Kyl, adding that the president could make a very good case for that option. “The most confrontational suggestion is don’t fill it with the guys you nominated fill it with the even more outspoken people such as [once-rejected U.S . Supreme Court nominee Robert] Bork,” said a GOP aide. “That way Democrats have incentive to approve the people you’ve nominated. That has an appeal. That has a high sense of drama.”
This suggestion originated with Conspirator Randy Barnett in a National Review Online piece entitled Benching Bork. I hesitate to repeat the refrain, but once again, we are in a downward spiral of politicization of the judicial selection process. Both Democrats and Republicans seem to believe that their own moves are justifiable retaliations in response to escalatory moves by their opponent. These asymmetrical perceptions have led to a situation where the Democrats have taken the unprecedented step of an avowedly ideological filibuster of multiple nominees, and the Republicans are seriously floating the idea of making ideological recess appointments in retaliation. Although there has always been an ideological dimension to judicial selection, especially with respect to hot-button issues and the Supreme Court, we seem to be on the brink of making ideology the driving force of every judicial nomination. Realistically, of course, ideology has always played some role at every level of the federal bench. But politicization is not an all or nothing phenomenon. The effect of a thoroughly politicized judicial selection process will surely be a more politicized judiciary. When judges are selected for their disposition to vote along ideological lines, it seems quite likely that they will in fact be more ideological. As blatantly ideological judges are added to the bench, those who are already sitting will find it more and more difficult to decide cases on the basis of the rules laid down. "Why should I be restrained," judges may reason, "when by colleagues are getting their way by voting their ideology?" Where does this all lead? You might be interested in my post entitled Going Nuclear: The Constitutionality of Recess Appointments to Article III Courts.


 
Barry at University College, London At University College, London's School of Public Policy: Colloquium in Legal and Social Philosophy, Brian Barry (Columbia) presents Can Social Democracy Survive Cultural Diversity?


 
Marks on Universal Jurisdiction Jonathan H. Marks (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill - School of Law) has posted Mending the Web: Universal Jurisdiction, Humanitarian Intervention and the Abrogation of Immunity by the Security Council (Columbia Journal of Transnational Law , Vol. 42, January 2004) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The sporadic but increasing exercise of universal jurisdiction by national criminal courts has inevitably created a tension between individual criminal responsibility for serious international crimes and claims of sovereign immunity. In Democratic Republic of Congo v Belgium, the International Court of Justice had the opportunity of resolving that tension. However, the Court's articulation of immunity for serving foreign ministers creates possibilities for abuse where ministers rely on their official positions to perpetrate serious international crimes and to insulate themselves from prosecution. This article reexamines the rationales for and objections to universal jurisdiction, and argues that where public officials perpetrate serious international crimes, the arguments for upholding immunity are weak. In such cases, the arguments for universal criminal jurisdiction as a less invasive form of humanitarian intervention may be compelling. The article contends that the Security Council should withdraw immunity in such cases and that although this would be novel, there is both legal authority and historical precedent to support such action. Although it will be a challenge for the Council to withdraw immunity on a principled basis, this challenge should not be insurmountable at least where the immunity of an official of a permanent member of the Council is not involved.


 
Schaefer on National History and Constitutionalism Michael Schaefer (Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences) has posted Memory in the Construction of Constitutions (Ratio Juris, Vol. 15, pp. 403-417, 2002) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    In connection with the contemporary debates in political philosophy between liberal, republican and proceduralist–deliberative views of democratic politics, I deal with the question of how the different concepts in these debates can be related to the particular national history, memories and expectations of a polity. I shall concentrate on one German example of the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy, in order to show that political philosophy must pay more attention to the different shared practices and understandings within each liberal society.


Tuesday, November 11, 2003
 
Wallace Reviews Joyce on the Myth of Morality On the wonderful Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews, R. Jay Wallace (University of California, Berkeley) reviews Richard Joyce's The Myth of Morality, Cambridge, 2002, 264pp, $60.00 (hbk), ISBN 0521808065. Here is a taste:
    This book is an impressive and stimulating treatment of central issues in metaethics. It is extremely well-written, combining clarity and precision with an individual style that is engaging and very often witty. It presents a general commentary on the contemporary metaethical debate, on the way to defending a position in that debate—moral fictionalism—that is distinctive and worthy of reaching a wider audience. The book is full of arguments, presenting a wealth of stimulating ideas, objections, and suggestions on all the topics addressed. A significant virtue of the book is Joyce’s success at clarifying the menu of fundamental options in the metaethical discussion. He does an excellent job throughout of defining the issues under dispute, stating precisely the differences between the available positions, and locating the most significant considerations for and against those positions. The book could easily serve as a clear introduction to the main issues in the contemporary metaethical debate for those who are new to the subject. Joyce’s favored position combines two main parts. There is, first, an error theory of moral discourse, to the effect that such discourse is typically used in an assertoric manner, but that moral assertions by and large fail to state truths (9). And there is, second, the distinctively fictionalist claim that it may be sensible and useful to continue to deploy moral discourse even after we have come to see that it is fundamentally flawed.


 
More on IP Theory and the Capacious Water Well Eugene Volokh and I had an exchange on IP theory some time back (Volokh--Solum--Volokh--Solum), which has now has provoked a reaction form Cyberbug. Surf on over.


 
Prakash on Federal Abortion Legislation and the Commerce Clause Over at The Right Coast, Sai Prakash has some illuminating remarks about the partial-birth abortion legislation and Congress's power under the Commerce Clause.


 
Welcome to the Blogosphere . . . to Bronson Yake whose new blog is Right to the Point.


 
Welcome to the Blogosphere . . . to Keith Burgess-Jackson's new AnalPhilosopher. Analytic?


 
Conference Blogging: Leiter Raises An Important Question, Part One Brian Leiter has posted an extremely negative reaction to my blogging (which begins here and ends here) from the Rawls and the Law Conference at Fordham University over the weekend. Please read his very thoughtful remarks, which conclude: "I would urge Larry Solum, who otherwise provides a valuable service, to stop blogging conferences." On the other side of the fence, I recieved dozens of postive comments via email and in the blogosphere. I note this comment from Micah Schwartzman on Crooked Timber:
    Solum has completed his remarkable coverage of the Rawls conference. Weighing in at more than twelve thousand words in two days, I think it’s the most impressive blogging performance I’ve seen since the early war coverage. And for those of us who couldn’t be at the conference, we couldn’t have asked for a better, or more knowledgeable, correspondent. Kudos, and many thanks, to Solum.
Leiter objects that my comments may have given a misleading impression of the content (especially of two of the papers, one from a colleague of Leiter's). In both cases, my remarks were negative and critical. (As readers of Legal Theory Blog know, I rarely make negative comments about any work.) I can certainly understand that reading a negative remark about one's talk on the Internet would be difficult for the individuals involved. I am sure that Leiter himself has experienced his share of indignant reactions, both to the opinions that he expresses on his blog and to the very sharp comments that he makes about individuals and departments in the Philosophical Gourmet and in his academic quality rankings of law schools. It is an interesting fact about academic life that one is usually spared direct confrontations with one's critics. After you give a talk, you hear from your friends and from those who liked what you said, but not from those who found your talk unilluminating or unhelpful. It is understandable and not unexpected that critical remarks in the blogosphere would generate controversy.
So this leads me to the larger question: should there be public comment (in the blogosphere) on scholarly presentations at a public conference? I would take it that no one would maintain that such comments are out of bounds in private, at the event or subsequently (including in forms that take on a semi-public character, e.g. forwardable emails). The questions is: is it fair to speakers and to readers (my readers, in this case) to give real time reactions to talks as they occur. On the up side, of course, reporting of an academic event provides a venue for bringing attention to the ideas that are presented and discussed. On the down side, however, any comments that go beyond mere reportage will, of necessity, present only one side of the story. So, for example, my blogging revealed that I liked some papers better than others, that I thought some ideas were brilliant and others weak, and that some of the talks were well done (as acts of communication) while others were not. Is there a risk that blogging from a conference will cement a one-sided view, doing a disservice to those who were involved and to readers who may take the report as the final word rather than as one blogger's opinion?
Because academic blogging is relatively new, this question deserves careful reflection. Let me share some preliminary thoughts with you. I would also like to invite feedback, both from other bloggers on their blogs and from readers in the form of email (lsolum@sandiego.edu). In random order, here are some of my initial reactions to the issues that Leiter raises:
  • Real time blogging is necessarily incomplete and opinionated. Blogging a talk in real time does not mean production of a transcript. One reports some of the points that are made and reacts to a few of those. The goal is not to provide a substitute for attending the talk or reading the paper, but simply to convey a lively sense of (and reaction to) some of the main themes.
  • Opinions are only opinions. I have a variety of opinions about legal theory--what's good, what's not, what's interesting, what's dull. But when I express an opinion, I would hope that my readers do not take me as expressing a dogmatic truth that admits of no disagreement. Others are free to disagree. When I blogged the Fordham conference, I tried to differentiate my opinions from reportage by using blue to set the opinions off, and I think this was quite clear to my readers. (If I am wrong about this, let me know!)
  • More discussion, not less is the better response. Opinions about matters academic differ. Anyone who has been around the business for a substantial period of time, knows that any given talk may generate both high praise and derision. Orthodoxy of opinion is not good for a vibrant intellectual life, and neither is silence. Rather, the academy is best served by robust discussion, debate, and disagreement.
  • The blogosphere is new, and the shock will wear off. I think that my extensive blogging from the Rawls and the Law conference was in some ways a new thing. People have blogged talks before, but I went out of my way to try to blog about every panel and to give a lively sense of what was going on.
  • Conference blogging should be responsible. So, for example, I might have made negative comments about several speakers or questions made by more junior scholars without big reputations. This would, I think, have been unfair and irresponsible. Is it also irresponsible to make a negative comment about a major figure? I am not sure. It may be that academic discourse is best served, if critical comments are reserved for written work and oral presentations are given immunity from public critical comment. Before blogging, it was already difficult for many scholars to put themselves out in public and deliver new work to a live audience. Will the possibility of instant reaction in the blogosphere inhibit scholars from advancing untested ideas or force them to be overly careful in their mode of presentation? Perhaps, blogospheric criticism and the traditional academic collegiality do not mix. Should it be a maxim of academic blogging that one should only say nice things? Perhaps. Certainly Leiter’s comments suggest that as a pragmatic matter the rule should be: if you can’t saying anything nice, don’t say anything at all.
At this stage in the game, I think it is best if I refrain from a point by point refutation of the specific remarks that are included in comments that Leiter forwards from two of the participants in the conference. Both of the individuals involved are well-established and respected scholars, and I do not think any good purpose would be served by an extended discussion of the merits of their talks or their defenses of those merits. (Perhaps, I am wrong about this, and I am willing to engage in an extended debate if that will be helpful in some way. For now, I would simply say that I do not believe that my blogging can fairly be characterized as misrepresentation.) I urge you to read their remarks, which Brian Leiter has posted on his blog.
Please let me know what you think! There will be more on this topic in the next few days.
Brian Leiter has more to say here in an attempt to defend his earlier remarks.


 
Another Twenty Questions Over at Another Rice Grade, you will find 20 Questions (with answers) for Clint Bolick (Vice President and Co-Founder of the Institute for Justice).


 
Fuchs on Selective Conscientious Objection at Oxford At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Amir Fuchs presents The Fallacies of Objections to Selective Conscientious Objection.


 
Chin on Software Antitrust Analysis at Oxford At Oxford's faculty of law, Andrew Chin presents Antitrust Analysis in Software Product Markets.


 
Dessemontet on IP Arbitration at Oxford At Oxford's IP Seminar, François Dessemontet presents Arbitration and Intellectual Property Law.


 
Barr-Gill at George Mason At George Mason, Oren Barr-Gill is presenting today.


 
Penney on Crime in the Digital Age Steven Penney (University of New Brunswick - Faculty of Law) has posted Crime, Copyright, & the Digital Age (WHAT IS A CRIME? CRIMINAL CONDUCT IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY, Law Commission of Canada eds., UBC Press, 2004) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    This essay, which will appear as a chapter in a collection entitled What Is a Crime? Criminal Conduct in Contemporary Society, edited by the Law Commission of Canada (forthcoming 2004, UBC Press), describes and evaluates efforts to criminalize digital copyright infringement in the United States in Canada. Part II relates the history of criminal copyright legislation and enforcement in the two nations. That history reveals a longstanding legislative and administrative reluctance to impose criminal punishments on copyright infringers. It also shows, however, that in recent decades legislatures have become more willing, in the face of new technological threats and industry pressure, to expand the scope and severity of criminal copyright offences. This has culminated in two novel responses to the threat of digitization: the criminalization of non-commercial infringement and the prohibition (enforced by criminal as well as civil sanctions) of technologies enabling the circumvention of protections against unauthorized copying. Part III explores the impact of digitization on the economics of copyright enforcement. It describes the weakening of civil enforcement mechanisms wrought by digitization and canvasses the normative debate surrounding the appropriate scope of copyright protection for digital works. I note the extent of copyright protection on the ground depends heavily on the availability and efficacy of remedies and argue that criminal law principles should play a prominent role in determining the extent to which those remedies are criminalized. Part IV attempts to articulate limiting principles for the application of criminal penalties to copyright infringement. Section A canvasses moral theories of criminalization, including approaches grounded on analogy, consensus, and harm. While these theories generate useful insights, especially on the interaction between law and shared social norms, none provides a compelling argument for or against the criminalization of copyright infringement. Section B turns to economic analysis. The standard economic model of crime predicts that optimal deterrence can be achieved by adjusting enforcement and punishment levels. Econometric and socio-legal research reveals, however, that under certain conditions deterrence may not be achievable. I argue that this is likely to be the case for certain types of copyright crime, including non-commercial online file sharing and technological circumvention. This failure of deterrence results from strategic interactions often associated with digital copyright infringement, including low visibility, widespread disobedience, risk aversion, substitution effects, and most importantly, disjunction between criminal punishments and social norms. Under these conditions, criminalization is likely to be ineffective and harmful. Part V concludes, recommending restraint regarding the expansion of criminal copyright law.


 
Liu on the Copyright Consumer Joseph P. Liu (Boston College - Law School) has posted Copyright Law's Theory of the Consumer (Boston College Law Review, Vol. 44, 2003) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    Copyright law has a rather well-developed theory of the author, but it has no similarly well-developed conception of the consumer. This exploratory Article is an attempt to begin piecing together a coherent image of the copyright consumer. The author argues that copyright law currently conceives of consumers in one of two ways, either as passive consumers of copyrighted works or as active authors in their own right. This binary conception of the consumer, however, is incomplete, as it neglects important and complex consumer interests in autonomy, communication, and creative self-expression. By examining these additional interests, it is possible to begin constructing a richer and more complex image of the copyright consumer. This image, in turn, can help shed light on some of the current debates over the proper shape and scope of copyright law.


Monday, November 10, 2003
 
Muller on Racial Profiling Is That Legal's Eric L. Muller (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill - School of Law) has posted Inference or Impact? Racial Profiling and the Internment's True Legacy (Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law, Vol. 1, No. 1) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    In the debate about racial and ethnic profiling in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, critics of the administration's policies have frequently argued that the government has made the same fundamental error as the Roosevelt administration made when it forced 110,000 Japanese Americans into camps during World War II. This is a powerful rhetorical strategy, but is it an accurate one? What was the "fundamental error" of the Japanese American internment? In this article, Professor Muller argues that the fundamental error of the internment was not the inference of suspicion that the government drew from the fact of Japanese ancestry, but the enormity of the deprivations that the government imposed on the basis of that inference. Seen this way, the internment recedes as a rhetorical device, which allows for a more careful and subtle debate about whether the socio-legal landscape has changed enough in the past 60 years to prevent a civil liberties tragedy like the internment from recurring. Professor Muller concludes that that landscape has not changed enough to ensure that national-origin-conscious enforcement strategies will not leap from minor to massive intrusions.
Muller's work is always good!


 
Weekend Wrap Up On Saturday, the Legal Theory Bookworm and the Download of the Week made their regular appearances. On Sunday, the Legal Theroy Lexicon explored the idea of Public Reason and the Legal Theory Calendar previewed the talks, conferences, and workshops for this week. Also over the weekend, there was extensive coverage of the Rawls and the Law conference at Fordham. Coverage begins here and ends here.


 
Abizadeh on Nationalism and Democratic Legitimacy at Chicago At the University of Chicago's Political TheoryWorkshop, Arash Abizadeh (McGill University) presents On the Demos and its Kin: Nationalisms and Democratic Legitimacy.


 
Cole on Terrorist Guilt by Association at Loyola Marymout At Loyola Marymount, Loyola Law School, David D. Cole (Georgetown University Law Center) presents Guilt by Association and Terrorist Financing. Update: Ted Seto writes that the paper actually delivered was "Judging the Next Emergency: Judicial Review and Individual Rights in Times of Crisis," and not the paper reported on Loyola's website.


 
Okin on Rawls & Feminism at Chicago At the University of Chicago's Legal Philosophy series, Susan Okin (Political Science, Stanford University) presents Rawls and his Feminist Critics: Debating Justice and Gender.


 
Sander on Affirmative Action in Legal Eduction at UCLA At UCLA, Rick Sander presents A Systematic Analysis of Affirmative Action in American Legal Education.


 
Bohnet on Investing in Trust at Columbia At Columbia's law and economic series, Professor Iris Bohnet (Harvard University, Kennedy School of Government) presents Is Trust a Bad Investment?, authored with nava Ashraf and Nikita Piankov.


 
Crommelin on National Security & Constitutionalism Michael Crommelin (University of Melbourne - Faculty of Law) has posted Constitutional Challenges Posed by National Security: An Australian Story on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The "war against terror" presents significant constitutional challenges. These challenges are not new. They were present 52 years ago, in one of Australia's most controversial constitutional cases: the Communist Party case. This paper places the Communist Party case in the context of its time, when international tensions were high: the Cold War was at a critical stage, and Australian troops were engaged in hostilities on the Korean Peninsula. The Australian Parliament - with enormous popular support - enacted legislation to dissolve the Australian Government Party and to impose sanctions upon any "communist" regarded as likely to engage in activities prejudicial to the security and defence of Australia. The High Court of Australia upheld a challenge to the constitutional validity of this legislation. The Australian Constitution contains no Bill of Rights, as such. The Court reached its conclusion by curbing the legislative authority of the Commonwealth Parliament. The paper considers several constitutional issues highlighted by the Communist Party case: the scope of Commonwealth legislative powers, the scope of Commonwealth executive power, legislative control of the executive branch of government, the significance of judicial review in the Australian constitutional framework, and the requirements for formal amendment of the Australian constitution.


 
Caudill & LaRue on Daubert David Caudill and Lewis LaRue (Washington and Lee University - School of Law and Washington and Lee University - School of Law) have posted Why Judges Applying the Daubert Trilogy Need to Know About the Social, Institutional and Rhetorical - and Not Just the Methodological - Aspects of Science (Boston College Law Review, Vol. 45, p. 1, 2003) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    In response to the claim that many judges are deficient in their understanding of scientific methodology, we identify in recent cases (i) a pragmatic perspective on the part of federal appellate judges when they reverse trial judges who tend to idealize science (i.e., who do not appreciate the local and practical goals and limitations of science), and (ii) an educational model of judicial gatekeeping that results in reversal of trial judges who defer to the social authority of science (i.e., who mistake authority for reliability). Next, we observe that courts (in the cases we analyze) are not interested in pragmatically constructing legal science, but rather attempt to ensure that science itself, conceived pragmatically (i.e., without idealizing science), is appropriated in law. We conclude that trial judges who fail to appreciate the social, institutional, and rhetorical aspects of science tend to reject reliable - albeit pragmatic - science, to welcome unreliable - albeit authoritative - science, and thereby to create a body of legal science that is out of sync with mainstream science.


Sunday, November 09, 2003
 
Legal Theory Lexicon: Public Reason
    Introduction How should citizens in a modern pluralist democracy debate and discuss public affairs? What kinds of reasons are appropriate in the context of judicial opinions, legislative debate, or administrative decisionmaking? There is wide agreement that the government should not censor public debate about politics, at least not without very good reason. But when it comes to a related question of political morality - "To what ideal should citizens aspire in political debate?" - the issue is cloudy. For example, some have argued that religious reason should be excluded from public debate; others argue for the exclusion of statements which degrade people on the basis of their religion, race or ethnicity. Still others contend that in public debate, an ideal of political morality should mirror the freedom of expression: all viewpoints should contend in a marketplace of ideas. An ideal of public reason can provide guidance on these issues. This post provides a very short introduction to the idea of public reason--with a special emphasis on the role of that idea in the work of John Rawls.
    Historical Perspective Where does the idea of public reason come from? Contemporary scholarship sometimes assumes that the notion of public reason was invented out of whole cloth by Rawls, but in fact, it has a long philosophical history. For example, the phrase "public reason" is found in Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan. The section of Leviathan in which this passage appears addresses the question, whose reason should govern the question of whether a purported miracle has occurred?
      For in these times, I do not know one man, that ever saw any such wondrous work, done by the charm, or at the word, or prayer of a man, that a man endued but with a mediocrity of reason, would think supernaturall: and the question is no more, whether what we see done, be a Miracle; whether the Miracle we hear, or read of, were a reall work, and not the act of a tongue, or pen; but in plain terms, whether the report be true, or a lye. In which question we are not every one, to make our own private Reason, or Conscience, but the Publique Reason , that is, the reason of God's Supreme Lieutenant, Judge; and indeed we have made him Judge already, if wee have given him a Soveraign power, to doe all that is necessary for our peace and defence. A private man has alwaies the liberty, (because thought is free,) to beleeve, or not beleeve in his heart, those acts that have been given out for miracles, according as he shall see, what benefit can accrew by mens belief, to those that pretend, or countenance them, and thereby conjecture whether they be Miracles, or Lies. But when it comes to confession of that faith, the Private Reason must submit to the Publique ; that is to say, to God's Lieutenant.
    In this passage, Hobbes uses the phrase "public reason" to refer to the reason or judgment of the sovereign.
    A second use of the phrase "public reason" is found in Rousseau's Discourse on Political Economy:
      In effect, though nature's voice is the best advice a good father could listen to in the fulfillment of his duty, for the magistrate it is merely a false guide which works constantly to divert him from his duties and which sooner or later leads to his downfall or to that of the state, unless he is restrained by the most sublime virtue. The only precaution necessary to the father of a family is that he protect himself from depravity and prevent his natural inclinations from becoming corrupt, whereas it is these very inclinations that corrupt the magistrate. To act properly, the former need only consult his heart; the latter becomes a traitor as soon as he listens to his. Even his own reason ought to be suspect to him, and the only rule he should follow is the public reason , which is the law. Thus nature has made a multitude of good fathers of families, but it is doubtful that, since the beginning of the world, human wisdom has ever produced ten men capable of governing their peers.
    Rousseau's use of the phrase "public reason" is quite different than Hobbes'. Public reason is contrasted to the reason of private individuals. The latter sort of reason is self-interested; the former sort is concerned with the common good. This suggests a connection between Rousseau's idea of public reason and his notion of the general will. The general will (like public reason) is concerned with the good of all; whereas, the individual will (like private reason) is concerned with the good of the individual.
    Another early use of the phrase "public reason" is found in Thomas Jefferson's Second Inaugural Address:
      [I]t is proper that you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration . . . . [They include] the diffusion of information and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reasons
    Jefferson's notion of public reason seems connected to an ideal of democratic government. Information should be widely diffused so that government actions may be judged at the bar of public reason - which in this case seems to be the collective reason of the citizens of a democratic society. In this view, the quality or efficacy of public reason is connected to the freedom of speech and press.
    In What is Enlightenment, Kant introduces the idea of public reason as an answer to a question that might be phrased, "What restrictions on freedom of public discourse will facilitate public enlightenment?" Kant replies:
      The public use of man's reason must always be free, and it alone can bring about enlightenment among men; the private use of reason may quite often be very narrowly restricted, however, without undue hinderance to the progress of enlightenment. But by the public use of one's own reason I mean that use anyone may make of it as a man of learning addressing the entire reading public . What I term the private use of reason is that which a person may make of it in a particular civil post or office with which he is entrusted.
    As Kant uses the phrase, "public reason" is defined in terms of the audience to which reasons are given. Public reason is addressed to the entire public. Public reason should be free if the public is to become enlightened - that is, if citizens are to rely on their own reason without the guidance of another. Notice Kant's use of the phrase is, in a sense, diametrically opposed to Hobbes'. For Hobbes, public reason is reason bound by the judgment of the sovereign; for Kant, public reason is precisely that reason which is free from such constraint.
    Here is the point of the history: the idea of public reason is contested, with different theorists offering different conceptions public reason. I am about to give you Rawls's ideas about public reason, but it is very important to realize that Rawls's theory is just one of many, and that new theories of public reason are likely to emerge in the years ahead.
    Rawls and Public Reason In an early formulation, Rawls explained what he has called the "idea of free public reason":
      [G]reat values fall under the idea of free public reason, and are expressed in the guidelines for public inquiry and in the steps taken to secure that such inquiry is free and public, as well as informed and reasonable. These values include not only the appropriate use of the fundamental concepts of judgment, inference, and evidence, but also the virtues of reasonableness and fair-mindedness as shown in the adherence to the criteria and procedures of common sense knowledge, and to the methods and conclusion of science when not controversial, as well as respect for the precepts governing reasonable political discussion.
    Although this discussion contains the core of the Rawls' position, a few additional points deserve separate discussion:
      First, Rawls understands public reason as the reason of a political society. A society's reason is its "way of formulating its plans, of putting its ends in an order of priority and of making its decisions accordingly." Public reason contrasts with the "nonpublic reasons of churches and of many other associations in civil society." Both public and nonpublic reason share features that are essential to reason itself, such as simple rules of inference and evidence. Public reasons, however, are limited to premises and modes of reasoning that can appeal to the public at large. Rawls argues that these include "presently accepted general beliefs and forms of reasoning found in common sense, and the methods of science when these are not controversial." By contrast, the nonpublic reason of a church might include premises about the authority of sacred texts and modes of reasoning that appeal to the interpretive authority of particular persons.
      Second, the limits imposed by Rawls' ideal of public reason do not apply to all actions by the state or even to all coercive uses of state power. Rather, his ideal is limited to what he calls "the constitutional essentials" and "questions of basic justice." Thus, the scope of the freedom of speech and qualifications for the franchise would be subject to the Rawlsian ideal, but the details of tax legislation and the regulation of pollution control would not.
      Third, Rawls' ideal of public reason applies to citizens and public officials when they engage in political advocacy in a public forum; it also governs the decisions that officials make and the votes that citizens cast in elections. The ideal does not apply to personal reflection and deliberation about political questions; by implication it could not apply to such reflection or deliberation about questions that are not political in nature.
    With these features in mind, we can offer a summary of the Rawlsian ideal of public reason; this ideal has three main features: (1) The ideal of public reason limits the use of reason to (a) the general features of all reason, such as rules of inference and evidence, and (b) generally shared beliefs, common- sense reasoning, and the noncontroversial methods of science. (2) The ideal applies to deliberation and discussion concerning the basic structure and the constitutional essentials. (3) The ideal applies (a) to both citizens and public officials when they engage in public political debate, (b) to citizens when they vote, and (c) to public officials when they engage in official action - so long as the debate, vote or action concerns the subjects specified in (2). With Rawls' view in mind, we proceed to two preliminary subjects: first, the role of the idea of public reason in the regulation of public discourse and, second, the ways in which a particular ideal of public reason might be justified.
    Public Reason and Law How is the idea of public reason relevant to legal theory? One answer to this question might begin with Rawls's observation that judicial reasoning, for example the reasoning of the Supreme Court, exemplifies public reason. It would be unusual to see a Supreme Court justice rely on a particular religion or on a deep philosophical view about the meaning of life or the ultimate nature of the good. There are exceptions, however. One of the most infamous Supreme Court opinions in the contemporary period is Chief Justice Burger's concurring opinion in Bowers v. Hardwick, the case that was recently overruled in Lawrence v. Texas. Burger argued that criminalization of homosexual conduct was constitutionally permissible, because the prohibition on such conduct was rooted in Judeo-Christian morality. Arguably this argument exceeded the bounds of public reason, because the United States is a pluralist society in which there are many citizens outside of the Judeo-Christian tradition, including, for example, Buddhists, adherents of Native American religions, and nonbelievers.
    One of the interesting features of the idea of public reason is that it provides an argument against what we might call going deep in legal theory. By going deep, I mean making arguments that rely on deep philosophical premises, about ultimate values on the one hand or metaethics and moral psychology on the other. So, for example, it might be argued that utilitarianism (or welfare economics) is an inappropriate source of legal arguments, when the argument relies on a deep utilitarian premises, such as the notion that only utility (e.g. hedonic value or preference satisfaction) is valuable. That premise, it might be argued, goes beyond public reason.
    The idea of public reason is deeply controversial and the subject of heated debate, but the connections between public reason and law have only recently begun to be explored in depth. For an example of a recent discussion of these issues, take a look at my post on the public reason session at Fordham's recent "Rawls and the Law" conference--here.


 
Legal Theory Calendar
    Monday, November 10
      At the University of Chicago's Political TheoryWorkshop, Arash Abizadeh (McGill University) presents On the Demos and its Kin: Nationalisms and Democratic Legitimacy.
      At Loyola Marymount, Loyola Law School, David D. Cole (Georgetown University Law Center) presents Guilt by Association and Terrorist Financing.
      At the University of Chicago's Legal Philosophy series, Susan Okin (Political Science, Stanford University) presents Rawls and his Feminist Critics: Debating Justice and Gender.
      At UCLA, Rick Sander presents A Systematic Analysis of Affirmative Action in American Legal Education.
      At Columbia's law and economic series, Professor Iris Bohnet (Harvard University, Kennedy School of Government) presents Is Trust a Bad Investment?, authored with nava Ashraf and Nikita Piankov.
    Tuesday, November 11
      At Oxford's Jurisprudence Discussion Group, Amir Fuchs presents The Fallacies of Objections to Selective Conscientious Objection.
      At Oxford's faculty of law, Andrew Chin presents Antitrust Analysis in Software Product Markets.
      At Oxford's IP Seminar, François Dessemontet presents Arbitration and Intellectual Property Law.
      At George Mason, Oren Barr-Gill is presenting today.
    Wednesday, November 12
      At University College, London's School of Public Policy: Colloquium in Legal and Social Philosophy, Brian Barry (Columbia) Can Social Democracy Survive Cultural Diversity?
      At Oxford, Guy Goodwin-Gill presents the Annual Harrell-Bond Lecture, Refugees and Their Human Rights.
    Thursday, November 13 Friday, November 14
      At the University of San Diego's Institute for Law and Philosophy, the Roundtable on Religion. The participants include Stanley Fish, (Illinois, Chicago), Kent Greenawalt (Columbia University School of Law), and Jeremy Waldron (Columbia University School of Law).
      Update: William and Mary School of Law is hosting a conference entitled Dual Enforcement of Constitutional Norms on this Friday, November 14. Chief Justice Rehnquist will be the keynote speaker.
      At SUNY Buffalo, Ed Rubin (Penn) presents Rethinking Politics and Law for the Administrative State: From Legitimacy to Compliance.
      At George Mason's Philosophy, Politics, and Economics series, David Primo (Politics, University of Rochester) presents Open vs. Closed Rules in Budget Legislation: A Result and an Application.
      At Temple University, the Temple Political & Civil Rights Law Review is hosting a conference entitled Vision and Revision: Exploring the History, Evolution and Future of the Fourteenth Amendment. Ted Shaw, Akhil Amar, Erwin Chemerinsky, Sylvia Law and many others will be presenting.
      At UCLA, Kent Greenfield (Boston College School of Law) presents The Undemocratic Centerpiece of Corporate Law: The Internal Affairs Doctrine".


Saturday, November 08, 2003
 
Blogging from Rawls and the Law, Part 12: Thank you! Rawls and the Law was a really terrific event, with a remarkable share of truly fine papers and a good deal of productive and interesting discussion. I want to express my thanks to Fordham Law School for supporting this event, and especially to Jim Fleming, who organized it. I know from experience how much work an event like this requires: Jim did an amazing job.
The twelve posts in this series span over two days. This is the last post in the series. The Fordham Law Review will publish a very big, fat issue based on the conference paers. I will certainly purchase a copy for my bookshelf!


 
Rawls and the Law, Part 11: Public Reason Revisited
    They have saved, if not the best, then at least my favorite topic for last: public reason.
    Samuel Freeman
      Freeman is first. He begins with some objections to Rawls’s conception of public reasons: (1) public reason is incomplete, and (2) that public reason, because it brackets truth, may be influenced by ideas that are false; (3) the objection that using the Supreme Court as the exemplar of public reason undermines democracy. But first Freeman simply lays out Rawls’s view of public reason—reading at top speed! Public reasons are reasons that are addressed to others in their capacity as free and equal citizens. Rawls developed his idea of public reason to meet the problem that even in a well-ordered society, there will be disagreement about premises and standards of argument that are relevant to the justification of principles and institutions of justice.
      Freeman says that the role of public reason is to justify the constitutional essentials, but that raises the question: “Is public reason up to this task?” So take abortion: How can we justify the constitutional treatment of abortion without going beyond public reason? Freeman rehearses Rawls’s argument that political values can give a political answer to the question whether there should (or should not) be a right to abortion. Freeman adds that in Roe, the Supreme Court did, in fact, duck the metaphysical question, and instead relied on the concept of legal not moral personhood. By analogy, for Rawls, the answer would lie in the political conception of the person. But what if some reasonable citizens think abortion is murder? Freeman quotes Rawls, “Public reason is addressed to citizen as citizens.” And then Freeman quotes Rawls, reciprocity is reciprocity among citizens qua free and equal citizens. It is not required that everyone be convinced by public reason. So, for example, Quakers cannot accept the politically reasonable conclusion that war is sometimes justified. This does not make them unreasonable, but it does make their stand on war “politically unreasonable.” Which views are reasonable comprehensive views is a different question than the question as to what the content of public reason is.
      Now Freeman moves to item number two, that public reason, because it brackets truth, may be influenced by ideas that are false—an objection associated with Joseph Raz. Freeman points out that Rawls simply does not hold the view that the content of public reason is determined by the content of comprehensive doctrines.
      Freeman was great. I wished he had a lot more time.
    Dennis Thompson
      Thompson’s role is to comment on Freeman’s paper. Public reason is not very popular with the public. “Refraining from telling the whole truth,” seems more a vice than a virtue. So Rawls uses legal analogies, “exclusionary rules, etc.,” to show that it is not unreasonable to refrain from the whole truth. Thompson expands this notion, to a general point about “preclusionary reasons.” Like other preclusionary practices, public reason must be justified. There are three conditions (of what?), Thompson says: (1) the decisions with which public reasons are concerned are binding; political power is coercive. Public reason should constrain public institutions, public officials and (controversially) majorities more than others. (2) Public reasons functions in a specific institutional context. Rawls and Freeman treat public reason as a “free floating idea.” This, says Thompson, is why public campaign financing and minimal prerequisites for deliberative democracy are prerequisites for public reason. Sam would keep dissent from public reason out of the public forum. The public forum should make room for questions about which there is “public disagreement.” (3) Reasons should be precluded only to the extent that doing so is necessary to sustain the practice of public reasons. Thompson argues that the “constitutional essentials” may not be easy to agree upon. In addition, none of the grounds of public reason seem to do the job So Thompson would extend public reason to matters beyond the constitutional essentials: taxation, property, etc. Thompson was excellent.
    Abner Greene
      Greene begins by summarizing his views of the religion clauses. Religious reference is different, because it posits an extrahuman source of belief. For religious people, what is special about religion is the extrahuman source of authority. So law should not be based on religious arguments. But then, those who wish to rely on religious reasons may be muted, and so, exit (or rather exit proxies such as exemptions) must be offered to religious persons.
      Now Greene has three objections to Rawls:
        (1) Greene argues that Rawls improperly excludes nonreligious comprehensive doctrines from public reason.
        (2) Greene argues that the exclusion of religious reasons for legislation undermines the legitimacy of law for citizens whose reasons have been excluded. So, we should relax the bindingness of the law for those persons.
        (3) Greene argues that exclusion of comprehensive doctrines that do not themselves support such exclusion discriminates against them as compared to the exclusion of comprehensive doctrines that do support their own exclusion. Greene argues that compensation must be offered for this discrimination.
        Greene was moving very quickly, and also trying to cover an awful lot of ground, making his presentation very difficult to follow.
    David Richards
      Richards says that the appeal of contractualism is the protection it offers to rights. Martin Luther King, Jr., must be understood, says Richards, as the leader of movement. The close study of King’s life and work reveals a highly personal interpretation of religion that opened up arguments of public reason not previously available in our society. Three of King’s most successful experiments: Montgomery, Birmingham, and Selma. The appeal of King’s nonviolent voice drew on American Constitutionalism, e.g. Brown v. Board Richards spends a great deal of time developing the reasons that King appealed to black women in the South.I must confess that Richards paper simply did not speak to me. I found it quite difficult to see the arc of argument and even to discern the aim or purpose of the paper.
    Michael Baur added some very nice comments, primarily directed at Richards, but blogging fatigue had set in. But then at the very end there were two wonderful questions.
    Samuel Freeman answering a question got to one of the most important changes in Rawls’s late philosophy—his move to the idea that justice as fairness would not be the only theory of justice accepted by reasonable citizens in a well-ordered society. Freeman gave an interpretation of Rawls on this point that I do not full agree with. Basically Freeman thought that all the members of the family would agree on the first principle and the basic content of the second principle, but would disagree on fair equality of opportunity and the fair value of the political rights. I think Rawls does (and can) admit of more disagreement than that, but I cannot elaborate now.
    And then, the most dramatic exchange of the whole conference arrived, with Dworkin and Freeman going back and forth on public reason. Dworkin pressed Freeman on a point in his paper, “Why does the fact that public reason is addressed to citizens in their political capacity make any difference?,” Dworkin asked. Freeman then rehearsed his argument, and pressed back, reminding Dworkin that Dworkin could argue from his comprehensive doctrine, but that Rawls’s idea of public reason would ask Dworkin to also provide a “public reason.” Dworkin then replied, essentially saying that he did not see what was nonpublic about reasons drawn from a comprehensive moral theory.
    Dworkin’s strategy here was to use the kinds of nonpublic reasons that he (Dworkin) would offer. For example, he might argue for an ideal of equality based on the moral value of enabling each person to realize their full capacities. (I’m sure that is not quite what Dworkin said, but you get the idea.) “Why can’t I say that?” After Freeman’s answer, the question becomes, “Why do I (Dworkin) have to say more than that?” Dworkin’s example, however, is one of the closest cases, because his argument, although it draws on a deeper moral view, is very close to a public reason, e.g. it is simply a deep reason for the fundamental equality of citizens. The very statement of the full argument includes within it, public reasons. So Dworkin’s example is a bad one. A better example is a reason drawn from a comprehensive doctrine that is not itself bound up with a public reason. So, for example, take these examples: (1) someone justifies a constitutional prohibition on aid to religion on the ground that all religions are false and that it is an improper expenditure of public funds to aid in the inculcation of false beliefs; (2) someone argues that the freedom of speech should always be interpreted via a balancing test because the only source of ultimate value is pleasure and the absence of pain, and hence it is wrong to protect speech when that protection has net negative hedonic value; (3) someone argues that abortion should be prohibited on the ground that fetuses are ensouled at the moment of conception, and therefore it is murder to abort a fetus. Now Dworkin might argue in reply that he can exclude these reasons from judicial decision making on another ground—that these reasons would be bad ones given the history of our institutions. (I’m not sure, but concede this for the sake of argument.) But that is not the point of the examples. The point of the examples is that in each case the reasons offered is one that citizens (in their capacity as citizens) would find inaccessible. Thus, if I am a theist, I might find reason one inaccessible. If I am a Kantian, I might find reason two inaccessible. If I am an atheist, I might find reason three inaccessible. What does inaccessible mean? It means that these are reasons that I cannot accept given my own reasonable comprehensive doctrine of the good. But couldn’t you give up your comprehensive conception? Sure I could. But that’s the point. Good citizens don’t ask their fellows to give up their reasonable comprehensive conceptions in public political debate or as the author of a judicial decision or as a legislature speaking on the floor of a legislative chambers about the constitutional essentials. An example, it was unreasonable for Justice Burger to ground his dissent in Bowers v. Hardwick in a particular theological tradition (i.e. the Judeo-Christian tradition), because this argument could not be accepted as reasonable by citizens who were Buddhist or atheist. Likewise, it would have been unreasonable for Justice Kennedy to counter that argument by stating that this view of the Judeo-Christian tradition had been rejected by the true religion (whatever that might be). I’m sure Dworkin has a comeback. I wonder what it is.


 
Blogging from Rawls and the Law, Part 10: Property, Taxation, and Distributive Justice
    Anne Alstott
      Alstott is up first. She has three questions:
        (1) What does a fair society (and parents) owe children? Alstott notes this is a big question, but she will focus on one point, Continuity of Care. The same person must provide the care over time. We cannot, says Alstott, be ?serial parents.? And Rawls? There is a section in TJ on moral teaching in the family?which might have an inchoate notion of continuity of care. Now, Alstott says, Rawls says that society owes to children what is required for the development of autonomy. So, continuity of care could be a central concern in family law, but Alstott is not concerned with it. Rather, she wants to discuss the impact of continuity of care on parents? lives. Most parents do provide continuity of care, especially mothers. And the costs of continuity of care is borne mostly by mothers.
        (2) Does a fair society owe anything to parents? So what, if anything, do we owe parents? Parents bear the cost of not exiting. It is good for children and costly for parents. The no-exit obligation is unusual; it is like the military, prison, and childhood. Alstott is not saying there is a legal obligation, but a normative and aspirational obligation. So, should society alleviate this burden? It should. We cannot make parents whole, but we can recognize that no-exit forecloses options. Alstott says it is fair to expect continuity of care and fair to alleviate the burden.
        (3) If so, what does society owe parents? Alstott recommends a ?caretaker resource account,? a fund upon which parents can draw.
      I liked the paper, but I thought it was a great shame that Alstott didn?t try in some serious way to connect the project with Rawls. She might consider Sharon Lloyd?s work on this topic, which parallels many of her arguments.
    Robert Cooter
      Cooter is a pioneer in law and economics and a marvelous presenter. This should be fun. Cooter begins with the observation that the social norm for charitable giving is relatively inchoate and not enforced. Cooter says that this problem is a serious one with respect to the norms embedded in the difference principle. The IRS reports tax deductions for charitable giving. He notes that persons in lower income are excluded. In the 50-100,000 bracket, the average is 2-3%. At the upper end, it rises to 4%. Cooter says this is disgraceful and unnecessary. The obligation to give charity, says Cooter, is a disjunctive obligation. You don?t owe this duty to everyone; you can give to some but not others. It is no wonder we don?t know how much we should give, because we lack information on what others give. Experimental evidence on trust games suggests that when you give X a dollar, and then say, you can keep it, or you can give the dollar to Y, in which case, we will Y a second dollar. If the game is anonymous, there is considerable altruism, but if you publicize gifts, then people give more. Cooter proposes that organized charities should demand that public figures (business people, entertainers, sports figures) should disclose their aggregate giving. And Cooter suggests an optional box that would allow you to voluntarily disclose the ratio of giving to AGI.
      I was mildly disappointed in Cooter?s failure to relate his proposal to Rawls?s theory in any substantial and systematic way. Here are few rough thoughts about the connections:
        (1) Cooter might be suggesting that there is an obligation to engage in "redistributive charity," in nonideal theory. That is, given that our society does not satisfy the difference principle, the question arises, "What duties do individuals have to give to those in need? Cooter might argue that those who have more than they would receive under a just distribution (a terribly difficult question, because of the complex counterfactual information required), have a duty to give and that government has a corresponding obligation to facilitate such redistributive charity.
        (2) Cooter might be arguing that even in the case of ideal theory, where we are in a society in which the two principles are satisfied, the question arises as to which institutions can best implement the difference principle. He might then argue that at least some of the required distribution would better be accomplished through voluntary, private giving. Why?
          (a) Cooter may believe that the charitable giving will simply be more efficient, achieving the redistributive aims at lower cost and hence increasing the amount available for redistribution. In this case, Cooter might even argue that charitable redistribution will actually improve the lot of the worst off group as compared with state redistribution. This would give Cooter a Rawlsian reason to favor charity over the state.
          (b) Cooter might argue that charity is preferable because it is voluntary, involving less interference with individual life plans than the alternative. This argument, however, runs into fairness problems--because the burden of charity will not fall evenly (with some giving and some not).
          (c) Cooter might argue that charity has good educative effects. For example, encouraging charity may lead to greater understanding of and social support for the two principles. Again, this would give Cooter a reason for favoring charity that would be Rawlsian ins spirit.
        (3) Cooter might believe that there is an individual obligation to give, even if the society already satisfies the two principles. Or in a variation of this position, he might believe, a la Gerald Cohen, that individuals have no right of political morality to demand incentives and hence that those with excess wealth or income have an obligation to transfer the excess resources to those who are less well off than themselves. This position, it seems to me, would not be Rawlsian in spirit.
    Linda Sugin
      Sugin?s topic is Nagel and Murphy?s recent book on tax policy. What constraints does a theory of justice impose on the tax system? Why, for example, does Rawls endorse a relatively flat consumption-based tax? Almost any tax can provide a social minimum (satisfying the second principle), but the first principle does constrain the choice between tax systems. An endowment tax, for example, interferes with the ability of individuals to choose their life plans.I thought Sugin?s paper was very nice, thoughtful, sharp, and very Rawlsian.
    Thomas Nagel
      Nagel is one of the very best. This should be fun. He begins with Alstott; her proposal, would have distributive effects, but (he argues), the aim would not be redistributive. He asks what the relationship between Alstott?s proposal and Rawls, noting that the principles of justice apply to the ?basic structure of society.? And the role of the family in the basic structure is controversial. The deep inequality resulting from child care continuity falls disproportionately on women and hence violates the presumption of equal liberty. Cooter?s proposal is next on Nagel?s agenda. Cooter?s proposal, says Nagel, is an alternative to Rawls?s proposal that individuals should be free to choose how to expend resources if the basic structure is just. Nagel thinks that Cooter is assuming that charity is ?morally superior? to state redistribution?not just more efficient. Nagel disagrees: justice should be a matter of entitlement, not charity. If Cooter is arguing for redistributive charity, then, Nagel observes, we would need to steer charity towards the needy. The distinction between collective and individual responsibility, Nagel notes, is at the heart of Rawls?s liberal view. Turning to Sugin, Nagel agrees with her that tax systems should not be taken in isolation. Nagel works carefully through several of Sugin?s point, and pauses on Sugin?s point that tax may be used to prevent the accumulation of great extremes of wealth. Rawls believed that great accumulations of wealth were undemocratic; therefore, Nagel argues, the estate tax should not be eliminated. Nagel was superb. One wished for more!
    Discussion In the discussion period, Cooter observes that federal spending is not very redistributive, and so, pace Nagel, Cooter says it is not clear that increasing charitable redistribution would not have a greater redistributive effect that more federal spending. Cooter says, he is not sure what the philosophical foundations of his position are. He says, it is not clear that the difference principle does not require his proposal. As Cooter made this remark, I understood him to be saying that even if governental action satisfies the difference principle, individual charity is still required (beyond the government action). So my first reaction was to think Cooter had said something that was silly. I thought, "Once the two principles are satisfied, of course, Rawls's theory does not require more. How would the argument that more than what is required is required go." But now, with some additional time to reflect, I think that I must have misunderstood Cooter.
    Seana Shiffrin suggests that letters from the IRS (as opposed to a website) would provide the information, without public shaming. Cooter says that would be ok too, but he thinks it is an obligation to give one?s fair share and hence publicity (does he mean shaming?) is appropriate.
    A question to Alstott, should we redistribute to child-rearers if we have a just distribution otherwise and if we also eliminate gender-discrimination. Alstott says we have an obligation to give children continuity of care. I must have missed something, because Alstott?s answer seemed to provide everything except an argument.
    Susan Moller Okin asked a question about what counts as charity, arguing that opera is only a charity if the donation comes from those who hate opera. Okin also argued that the Catholic church builds expensive cathedrals and that donations to the Mormon church support ugly buildings. I found Okin's question puzzling. I'm sure Okin did not intend deliberate offense to Catholics and Mormons, but her remarks struck me as likely to offend and as pushing the bounds of civility.
    All and all, a most stimulating session.


 
Blogging from Rawls and the Law, Part 9: Tort
    Sleep is glorious. I’m back at the Rawlsfest at Fordham University School of Law. This morning’s panel is on Rawls and tort law. I am looking forward to a powerhouse panel—Fletcher, Keating, Perry, Ripstein, and Zipursky. But I must say that I am a skeptical listener. Although I am deeply sympathetic to the Rawlsian project, it has always struck me that the application of Rawls’s own theory (as opposed to Rawlsian methods) to tort law would be contrary to important commitments in Rawls’s own work. Torts is not my field—so I am here to learn.
    Arthur Ripstein
      Ripstein is first up. He begins by noting that Rawls does not discuss corrective justice in an explicit way in TJ and his other writings. From the point of view of distributive justice, Ripstein argues, tort law is puzzling. Surely not. What on earth was Ripstein thinking, since distributive justice presumes, at a minimum, that the just distributions will create legally protectable entitlements? Ripstein now introduces a distinction, between dogmatists and skeptics--a not particularly perspicuous set of labels for those who think tort law serves distinct aims and those who do not. Now, Ripstein makes a good Rawlsian point: the original position itself is not a particularly good device for construction of principles of tort law. Behind the veil of ignorance, Ripstein points out, outcomes are what matters. So from behind the veil, it doesn’t matter who injured you. Ripstein now turns to Rawls’s essay, “Social Unity and the Primary Goods.” In that essay, Rawls gives us a way of understanding individual responsibility for own lives. This is our responsibility for our own conceptions of the good and life plans. Ripstein is now trying to get tort duties out of the notion of self-responsibility for individual life plans. I would need to see the full paper, but this argument seems rather unpromising. Not that the conclusions are implausible. They are. But rather that there is nothing distinctive in the concept of self-responsibility that supports the institution of tort law. Indeed, the argument is more likely to work the other way around. Because each of us is responsible for his or her own life plan, there are reasons why tort liability should be limited. In other words, Ripstein has a way of explaining the limits on tort law, but not the basic structure of the law itself. Ripstein now says, “This is a very abstract abstract,” alluding to Marx. Indeed! If we think of the law of tort in terms of the division of responsibility, damages restore to each person “what is theirs,” as opposed to restoring a just distribution. Yes! This is an important point, and Ripstein might also look to the lecture, “The Basic Structure as Subject,” for more support for this idea. Despite my quibbles, this was a very nice paper.
    Stepehen Perry
      Another wonderful legal theorist. And Perry is a deeply learned and careful thinker. Perry notes his agreement with Ripstein on the inapplicability of the original position to the question of how to construct principles of tort law. Perry now takes on Ripstein, who Perry says accepts the “luck egalitarian” interpretation of Rawls. Now, Perry is working through Ripstein’s argument is a very careful way. Perry turns to the notion of property and the way that protection of property (trespass) is part of Ripstein’s view. But, and this is quite important, Perry argues that the Rawlsian ideas that Ripstein invokes underdetermine the shape of tort duties, e.g. they do not discriminate between a tort regime and a New Zealand style version of social insurance (no fault). Surely Perry is absolutely right here. Perry is now honing in on the weakest point of Ripstein’s paper: Ripstein’s claim that self-responsibility requires a particular shape for tort law. This is a compelling criticism; it will be interesting to see if Ripstein has a comeback. Once we have given up the hope of deriving deontology, from a hypothetical contract, it is difficult to see how there could be a Rawlsian derivation of deontology.
    George Fletcher
      Fletcher was a pioneer of tort theory, and is considered one of the great figures of contemporary American legal theory. This is actually the first time I’ve heard him speak, and I am looking forward to it. Fletcher starts out by claiming that TJ was focused on fairness and that “reasonableness” appears in Political Liberalism as one of the two moral powers. Well, I’m afraid Fletcher has made a rather poor first impression. These remarks are quite simply absurd, betraying an utter lack of understanding of both the early and the late Rawls. Fletcher now makes an argument that “fairness” and “reasonableness” are uniquely American ideas. And not just uniquely American, but unique to American law. I am speechless. (“Blogless?”) American law, says Fletcher, sends to the world the idea that one can be “reasonable but wrong,” and hence, “toleration.” Locke? Hello! Now, Fletcher is talking about the reasonable person standard. He argues that the reasonable person standard is problematic because it only permits a single right answer. But this is just plain silly. The reasonable person standard does not say there is only one way of acting reasonably (or unreasonably). There is one judgment “reasonable” or “unreasonable,” but many different actions that would count as reasonable or unreasonable. Now, Fletcher is on to the “reasonable” and the “rational.” Fletcher correlates the “rational” with the Kantian idea of treating others as ends in themselves, and the “reasonable” as something beyond that. This is a most unusual interpretation of Kant.
    Gregory Keating
      Keating begins with the distinction between “negligence” and “strict liability.” Negligence says the conduct was wrong; strict liability says that leaving the loss on the plaintiff is wrong. Now Keating recites the facts of Vincent v. Lake Erie, the case where the ship is lashed to a dock during a storm, where the court rejects the argument that because the conduct is reasonable, the ship owner need not make reparation. Keating now goes back to Fletcher’s famous article, which argued that much of tort can be explained by the distinction between reciprocal and nonreciprocal risks. Keating now moves to enterprise liability (e.g. market share liability), which can be justified by economic arguments or by fairness arguments (i.e. that is unfair to dump the costs of an enterprise on a few unlucky victims). I wish Keating had elaborated at this point—where his distinctive theoretical perspective would have emerged. Keating paraphrases Holmes on the change in social circumstances, from a world of isolated individual harms (e.g. batteries) to a world of systematic imposition of risks by enterprises. In the modern world, risks can be insured. We can leave a loss with the victim or shift the loss to the enterprise, which will pass the risk on to the beneficiaries of the activity. Enterprise liability, says Keating, is therefore “fairer.” Keating was his usual careful self. But where’s the Rawls? In the full paper, I suspect.
    Benjamin Zipursky
      Zipursky begins by laying out a very ambitious agenda for his remarks. Indeed, it would take me several hours to cover the ground he lays out. Zipursky’s presentation is both terse and dense. He touches briefly on Keating and then moves to Ripstein, reconstructing their arguments in an illuminating way. He then turns a very important point, that Rawls says, “Do the work!,” and then see how it comes out. The alternative is to worry about metaethics and moral epistemology. Rawls made these points in his Presidential Address to the Eastern Division of the American Philosophical Association, which is available in his Collected Works. As a rule of thumb, you can only develop and communicate one or two ideas in 12 minutes. Zipursky certainly does not believe in this rule.


 
Download of the Week The download of the week is Elizabeth Garrett 's paper Framework Legislation. Here is a taste:
    Much recent scholarship studying Congress has focused on issues of institutional design and assessed procedural innovations to determine why rules have been changed or retained and to describe the effects of certain design features on outcomes. Notwithstanding the focus on procedure, one component of contemporary legislative process has not received sustained attention. There is no systematic study of what I call “framework legislation.” Such legislation establishes a procedural framework to structure decision making in a particular policy area; it supplements, and sometimes supplants, ordinary rules of procedure. Constitutions are frameworks in a similar way, although they are more durable than framework legislation and they usually apply generally, rather than to a subset of issues. The standing rules of the House and Senate also establish frameworks for deliberation and congressional action; again, they tend to apply generally, although certain rules of procedure may be related to the kind of framework legislation I study here. The best known and most ubiquitous example of framework legislation is the congressional budget process, first put into place with the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 and substantially revised in 1985 with adoption of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act (“Gramm-Rudman-Hollings”) and changed again in 1990 with enactment of the Budget Enforcement Act. Although the budget process tends to dominate discussion of framework legislation, and exerts great influence on the design of other frameworks, it is only one example of a larger phenomenon. Other scholarship studying the institutional design of Congress has discussed framework legislation, typically in one of two contexts. First, frameworks have been assessed in analyses of the larger phenomenon of modern congressional change and reform. It identifies and explains various procedural innovations adopted by the post-reform Congresses, changes that began in the 1970s with the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 and continued through the reforms implemented by the 104th Congress and its Contract with America. This scholarship describes and evaluates the rise of “unorthodox lawmaking,” a term used by Barbara Sinclair to differentiate the complicated reality of modern lawmaking from the textbook process. Unorthodox lawmaking and post-reform innovation includes the adoption of framework legislation, but the procedural changes discussed in this work are broader and thus any analysis of framework laws is incidental. Framework laws are discussed in a second scholarly context that has a narrower focus than the assessment of sweeping procedural trends in modern Congresses. Some scholars have analyzed one particular example of framework legislation, usually the congressional budget process. Although such focused studies may lead to conclusions about framework legislation in general, as well as about other congressional procedures, the scholarship tends to be restricted to understanding and critiquing the congressional budget process, or much less frequently, another particular framework. Moreover, to the extent that general conclusions can be drawn, they are often left to the reader and not made explicitly. This approach is consistent with the objective of the scholarship – to understand the development or operation of a particular framework.


 
Legal Theory Bookworm This week the Legal Theory Bookworm recommends Dennis Patterson's Law and Truth. Here is the blurb:
    Taking up a single question--"What does it mean to say a proposition of law is true?"--this book advances a major new account of truth in law. Drawing upon the later philosophy of Wittgenstein, as well as more recent postmodern theory of the relationship between language, meaning, and the world, Patterson examines leading contemporary jurisprudential approaches to this question and finds them flawed in similar and previously unnoticed ways. He offers a powerful alternative account of legal justification, one in which linguistic practice--the use of forms of legal argument--holds the key to legal meaning.
As Patterson admits in the afterword, this is mostly a work of demolition. Patterson takes on Ernest Weinreb, Michael Moore, Ronald Dworkin, and Stanley Fish, and in his characteristically blunt and clear headed way, Patterson puts each of these thinkers to the test. Patterson labels himself as a post-modernist, but for once, here is a book that makes pomo look intellectually attractive. Highly recommended!


Friday, November 07, 2003
 
Blogging from Rawls and the Law, Part 8: The Law of Peoples
    I knew that I had vowed not to take red eye flights for a good reason! I am dead tired, dear reader, but I am sticking it through to the final panel out of loyalty to you! I am especially excited by this panel, with a deeply interesting topic and a wonderful panel.
    The Law of Peoples sets out Rawls's theory of international justice, but it may not be the theory you expect. In the domestic case, Rawls has a very strong liberty principle, but internationally, societies are entitled to membership in the society of nations even if they fall fairly far short of the ideal of a liberal society. Domestically, Rawls has a difference principle that requires inequalities work to the benefit of the least advantaged. Internationally, Rawls permits far greater disparities of wealth.

    Stephen Macedo
      Macedo is first up. There are, he says, two controversial feature of Rawls’s law of peoples:
        First, Rawls says that rich countries do not have obligations of distributive justice, once societies become self governing. Thus, there is no international difference principle.
        Second, Rawls does not require that societies do not need to comply with all of the basic liberties as a matter of the law of peoples.
      One explanation for these features of Rawls’s international views is that it flows from Rawls’s idea of overlapping consensus, but Macedo (Quite rightly in my view!) rejects this explanation. We need a moral explanation—says Macedo. There is a moral explanation: the law of peoples is for self-governing peoples. It is important to see how tough it is to be regarded a self-governing community.
      But, asks Macedo, isn’t there an international basic structure? Macedo recognizes that there are international institutions, but claims that nations really are different.
      And, asks Macedo, what about individual human rights? Very often, says Macedo, this will be the case. But not always. So, to count as a decent society, there must be real consultation of all groups. The conception of the good must aim at the good at all, not just some. Oppressed groups must really be represented. In other words, Macedo claims, these conditions are quite tough; they are designed to insure that the illiberal societies are really self governing.
      Macedo covered an incredible amount of ground!
    Thomas Pogge
      Pogge has been working on these issues for as long as anyone. It is a treat to be able to hear his thoughts.
      Pogge quickly gets to an important issue. Domestically, for Rawls, only individuals count. Internationally, only peoples count. How can this be? In the domestic case, the parties adopt a theory of justice—details come later in the four stage sequence. In the international case, however, the eight principles of international law are directly endorsed. Pogge’s analysis is fairly dense—not really suitable to blogging—but one of his major ideas is that the asymmetries between the national and international cases seem arbitrary. The original position is set up differently, with dramatically different consequences, but (Pogge asserts) Rawls does not justify these differences.
      This criticism seems quite fair, so far as it goes. When the The Law of Peoples was first published, I participated in a close reading group. Over and over, it seemed to me (and other members of the group), Rawls was only sketching his view in The Law of Peoples, leaving it for others to fill in the arguments.
    Seyla Benhabib
      Benhabib’s topic is cross border movements of people and the issues of transnational justice that such movements give rise to. Not only Rawls, but also his sympathetic critics, such as Pogge and Charles Beitz, fail to adequately address these issues. Rawls, she notes, simply does not address the questions of entry and exit into societies in TJ. In The Law of Peoples, Rawls uses the idea of “peoples” as a device of representation. So what do “peoples” represent? Rawls tries to distinguish peoples and states, but Benhabib notes that his definition of a just people assumes statehood, because just institutions (which only states have) are an attribute of liberal peoples. If peoples are defined by common sympathies, as Rawls seems to suggest, there is a price to be paid in terms of individual rights. I must have missed some step in this argument. Perhaps, I have reached the point where jet lag and lack of sleep have caught up with me! At the end of the paper, Benhabib recommends that we go back to Kant’s cosmopolitanism: all human beings who come to our territory have a claim on our hospitality (but not permanent residence). At the end, Benhabib suggests that sovereign control over citizenship must go!
    Martin Flaherty had interesting comments and focused on a passage in The Law of Peoples that has always seemed important to me--that the theory is intended to offer a realistic utopia.


 
Blogging from Rawls and the Law, Part 7: Equal Citizenship: Race and Ethnicity
    Here is the interesting thing about Rawls and Race. On the one hand, Rawls clearly believes that racial discrimination is unjust & indeed racial injustice seems to be part of the motivation for his work. On the other hand, Rawls has very little to say about racial injustice. Why is this? That was the topic that the panel needed to address. Not an easy task!
    Seana Shiffrin
      Shiffrin is asking why Rawls does not address race. Rawls does not explicitly include race in the characteristics masked by the veil of ignorance, and the two principles do not include any specific guarantee against racial discrimination. After noting that the two principles would rule out many forms of racial discrimination, Shiffrin then notes that many forms of discrimination are private and would not be addressed to the two principles. Shiffrin then zeros in on the “fair equality of opportunity” component of the second principle of justice, and makes the case that it too does not address the problem of race discrimination and does not address these problems in the right way. Shiffrin then considers the possibility that problems of racism would simply not arise in a society well-ordered by justice as fairness—because class differences and historical injustices such as slavery would never have arisen in such a society. But Shiffrin finds this unsatisfactory as well. For example, racist attitudes might exist even in a well-ordered society. Rawls was clearly concerned with racism, but it remains a puzzle why he failed to address racism explicitly.
    Anita Allen
      Allen’s question is about racial privacy. She begins by rehearsing the history of the recognition of a right to privacy on natural law grounds by a Georgia court on social contract grounds—one hundred years ago. Then, she fast forwards to contemporary litigation in which governments have resisted disclosure of racial date. Even more recently, a failed initiative sought to prevent the collection of racial data. Is there anything in justice as fairness that would address the question of racial privacy? In the original position, race would not matter—but this doesn’t mean that racial information should be private outside the veil. In the end, Allen concludes, Rawls simply does not help with this question.
    Tommie Shelby
      Shelby wants to focus on what Rawls did say about race. He notes that Rawls explicitly says that our pre-theoretical belief is that racial discrimination is unjust. The parties behind the veil in the original position will not know what race they belong to. And hence, the parties will not choose principles that advantage or disadvantage persons on the basis of race. So Rawls says, “no party would put forth principles that advantage particular races.”